BROTHERHOOD

A news

Cont. from p.5
and sewed large red "Brotherhood-People
Power" patches on their jackets.
paper was started which covered both
local plant issues and national and in-
ternational events. Leaflets were dis-
tributed before each regularly scheduled
union meeting, encouraging workers to at-
tend and participate. Beginning in
January, hundreds of workers turned out
for union meetings--for the first time
Inside the plant, Brother-
in years.
hood organizers and members actively en-
couraged and helped other workers to
write up grievances, confront supervi-
sors, and respond directly to oppressive
management practices.

The response of GM, once it began to
take the Brotherhood seriously, was to
threaten, harass, place under surveill-
ance and fire active Brotherhood organi-
zers. Several were accused of falsify-
ing their employment applications (see
article on falsification of applications);
one 18-year man was accused of stealing
plant property and GM security guards
actually went out and searched his home.
A demonstration called to protest the
firings was attended by more than 300
workers. Pressure was put on the Union

to move on their grievances; and com-
plaints were filed with the National La-
bor Relations Board. So far, two of
those fired have been rehired.

The Brotherhood ran a full slate in
the Local elections; and though it didn't
sweep the elections, it did win the most
powerful Local office--shop chairman--
and also a voting majority on the execu-
tive board and control over a number of
standing committees. Those elected in-
tend to use the union machinery--the
committees, grievance procedure, nego-
tiations--to educate the membership,
fight discrimination, and win demands
that will make a difference to the work-
ers. The first big test will come in
the fall contract negotiations, which
are bound to be an intense struggle.

People in the Brotherhood feel that
although the election was an important
victory, the real test lies ahead. Work-
ers will be watching to see what the
Brotherhood can produce now that they
have put it in office. Will meetings on
the lines continue? Can the Brotherhood
unite workers of all nationalities in
common struggle against the company? It
will take commitment on the part of the
elected leadership, and pressure from
the rank and file, for the Brotherhood
to stay united and achieve its goals.

The Problem of Falsified Applications

Several Brotherhood organizers were
fired for violating General Motors Shop
Rule 1--falsifying their employment ap-
plications. Specifically, they were
accused of not reporting some of their
education, and of 11sting job experience
at non-existent companies. GM not only
wrote to persons who were listed as ref-
erences, but they checked the city rec-
ords to see if and when the companies
listed as previous employers had ob-
tained business licenses and were in
operation. Likewise, they wrote to col-
leges, Junion colleges and universities
in different parts of the country to
unearth past attendance. And they
checked for criminal records.

These firings are being fought both
through the grievance procedures and
the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB).
Although technically the company has the
right to fire employees for falsifica-
tion, there are ways of fighting and
sometimes winning these cases.

As far as the grievance procedure is
concerned, the first problem is getting
the union to move on it. Sometimes, if
the union is willing to pressure the
company, it can be convinced to rehire
the employee; but this generally does
not happen in the cases of militant
workers and organizers. If the case ever
reaches arbitration, it may possibly be
won on the grounds that the falsification
Cont. p.24

APPLICATIONS

did not injure the company or mislead it
as to the worker's expected job perform-
ance; or that the worker had worked on
the job long enough (at least a year) to
prove her/himself so the application is
no longer relevant. It can be helpful
to prove that the company had the evi-
dence of falsification long before they
used it (so, clearly, the firing was for
another reason), or that other employees
had not been fired although they were
known to have falsified their applica-
tions in similar (or worse) ways.

plies both to union and non-union acti-
vity. Section 8(a) (3) covers only union
activity.)

To prove these cases, it is necessary
to show some or all of the following:
(1) that the investigation of the work-
er's background was discriminatory, in
that she or he was singled out for spe-
cial attention; (2) that the firinn was
discriminatory, in that other known fal-
sifiers were not fired or were rehired;
(3) that the company had sat on the in-
formation until they needed an excuse to
fire the worker; (4) that the company
knew of the organizing activities and
had reason to feel threatened by them
(this is crucial); and (5) that manage-
ment was out to get the fired employee.
(The NLRB investigators like evidence
that foremen or other supervisors have
made statements to that effect.) Whe-
ther or not the application was falsi-
fied is not relevant in these proceed-
ings.

Finally, the NLRB will refuse to take
these cases, and will defer them to the
union grievance procedure, unless the
union has outright refused to process
them, or it can be shown that the union
is hostile to the employee and is unlike-
ly to represent her/him adequately. This
must be shown by evidence of their acts
and statements.

The procedure under the NLRB is to
file unfair labor practice charges a-
gainst the employer under Section 8(a)(1)
and, if applicable, Section 8(a)(3) of
the National Labor Relations Act. These
prohibit management "interference, re-
straint and coercion" of a worker engaged
in protected "concerted activity" (i.e.,
organizing), and discrimination against
a worker for "union membership". Here
it is necessary to prove that the falsi-
fication was just a pretext for the
firing; the real reason was union acti-
vity and/or general organizing. ("Con-
certed activity" is any attempt to or-
ganize for better job conditions for
more people than just oneself; it ap-
PRODUCTION:
We would like to thank the people at
Sedition, the San Jose Community News-
paper, for letting us use their layout
equipment and space. Also our printers,
Up Press, of Redwood City, California;
they do a great job at low prices. And,
finally, the gang from the Bay Area La-
bor Committee and friends who turn out
for the collating-stapling-trimming-

labeling-sorting-bundling night at the

EXHIBIT NO. 6-Continued

EXHIBIT NO. 7- Continued

Time For a Breakthrough

The two articles by Thomas Dennis and Lee Walker are right on target. The latest resistance of outraged rank-and-file auto workers to dangerous and unhealthy working conditions is living proof of that. The leading role of Black auto workers in these heroic struggles has dramatically exposed the vicious racism of General Motors, Ford and Chrysler-three of the most brutal exploiters of all workers, Black, white and Brown.

The working people of this country have been hit by one of the slickest rip-offs in history. Nixon is using his "phases" to pay off the gang of millionaire godfathers that bought him the last election with their juicy contributions. "Phase 4" is the worst yet. Profits have shot up beyond the wildest dreams of even the most greedy profiteers. The speedup drive, spearheaded by the National Commission on Productivity, has broken all production records. Skyrocketing prices of food and the other necessities of life are relentlessly placing them farther and farther out of reach of the working family. Wages are still trapped in Nixon's pay freeze straightjacket. The brazen lie that "wages are respsonsible for inflation" has been clearly exposed for the fraud that it is. Yet it was successfully used to force totally inadequate wage increases down the throats of five million workers in the first eight months of 1973. And now the auto companies are trying to use it to perpetrate the same fraud against the auto workers in the current negotiations.

BUT THE AUTO WORKERS CAN TURN THINGS AROUND! Relentless pressure from the ranks is forcing the demands for a substantial wage increase and a vigorous fight against speedup into the center of the collective bargaining sessions between the United Auto Workers and the "Big Three" auto companies. These two issues can't just be brushed aside. The conditions are being created for an historic breakthrough in auto that will help the entire trade union

movement.

What would a solid wage increase and a slowdown of production lines in auto mean? First of all it would be a heavy blow against the wage freeze steal. It would help the auto workers win back some of the wages and conditions they have lost in recent years. It would help the steelworkers bury I. W. Abel's notorious "no-strike, compulsory arbitration" sellout. It would pave the way for a reopening of contracts and renegotiation of unsatisfactory wage settlements

EXHIBIT No. 7-Continued

put over by the corporations with the help of the Nixon Administration. To slow down killing production paces would open the door for a real campaign to clean up dangerous and unhealthy conditions in the plants.

To realize these just demands the Communist Party urges maximum support be mobilized for the auto workers in their crucial contract struggles in 1973.

GEORGE MEYERS

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

George Meyers is a former textile and construction worker. He is a past President of the Maryland-D.C. CIO. He now is chairman of the National Labor Commission of the Communist Party, USA.

Thomas Dennis is a former auto worker. He is presently chairman of the Communist Party of Michigan and coordinator of the National Auto Commission of the Communist Party.

Lee Walker is a Black worker employed in a major plant in the basic auto industry and an active trade unionist.

The articles by Thomas Dennis and Lee Walker are reprinted from the June 1973 Political Affairs, theoretical journal of the Communist Party, USA. This pamphlet is issued by the National Auto Commission of the CPUSA. We invite your comments about this pamphlet or any questions which you might have about its contents or about the Communist Party. Queries should be addressed to:

National Auto Commission

1442 Griswold, Room 304
Detroit, Michigan 48226