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my decided opinion, that Congress entertains an exalted sentiment of the services of the army, and, from a full conviction of its merits and sufferings, will do it complete justice: that their endeavors to discover and establish funds have been unwearied, and that they will never cease until they have succeeded.

Why should we distrust them? And why, in consequence of that distrust, adopt measures which will cast a shade over that glory which has been so justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation of an army which has been celebrated throughout all Europe for its fortitude and patriotism?

While I pledge myself in the most unequivocal manner, to exert whatever ability I am possessed of in your favor, let me entreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to take any measures which, viewed in the calm light of reason, will lessen the dignity and sully the glory you have hitherto main tained. Let me request you to rely on the plighted faith of your country-to place a full confidence in the purity of the intentions of Congress-and to assure yourselves that they will adopt the most effectual measures in their power to render ample justice to you, for your faithful and meritorious

services.

By thus determining and thus acting, you will pursue the plain and direct road to the attainment of your wishes. You will give one more proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings; and you will, by the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to mankind, “Had this day been wanting, the world would never have seen the last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining."

Ex. LXXXI.-ON DISBANDING THE ARMY-1783.

DAVID HUMPHREYS." *

YE brave Columbian bands! a long farewell!
Well have ye fought for freedom-nobly done

* Col. Humphreys served during the Revolutionary war, principally in the capacity of aid to different generals. At the close of the war he entered the

NATIONAL DEPENDENCE UPON GOD.

Your martial task; the meed immortal won; And Time's last records shall your triumphs tell.

Once friendship made their cup of sufferings sweet—
The dregs how bitter, now those bands must part!
Ah! never, never more on earth to meet;

Distilled from gall that inundates the heart,
What tears from heroes' eyes are seen to start!

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Ye, too, farewell, who fell in fields of gore,
And changed tempestuous toil for rest serene;
Soon shall we join you on that peaceful shore,
(Though gulfs unmeasured darkly roll between,)
Thither by death tides borne, as ye full soon have been.

Ex. LXXXII.-NATIONAL DEPENDENCE UPON GOD.

Speech in the Convention for framing the Constitution, 1787.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

MR. PRESIDENT: The small progress we have made after four or five weeks' close attendance and continual reasonings with each other-our different sentiments on almost every question, several of the last producing as many noes as ayes

is, methinks, a melancholy proof of the imperfection of the human understanding. We indeed seem to feel our own want of political wisdom, and we have been running about in search of it. We have gone back to ancient history for models of government, and examined the different forms of those republics which, having been formed with the seeds of their own dissolution, now no longer exist. And we have viewed modern states all around Europe, but found none of their constitutions suitable to our circumstances.

In this situation of this Assembly, groping in the dark to find political truth, and scarcely able to distinguish it when presented to us, how has it happened, Sir, that we have not hitherto once thought of humbly applying to the Father of Light, to illuminate our understandings? In the begindiplomatic service, being appointed successively Secretary of Legation at Paris, Ambassador to Portugal, and Minister Plenipotentiary to Spain. Amidst his various duties he found time for literary composition, and left several poems, of which the present one is a very pleasing specimen.

ning of the contest with Great Britain, when we were sensible of danger, we had daily prayer in this room for the Divine protection. Our prayers, Sir, were heard, and they were graciously answered. All of us who were engaged in the struggle must have observed frequent instances of a superintending Providence in our favor. To that kind Providence we owe this happy opportunity of consulting in peace on the means of establishing our future national felicity. And have we now forgotten that powerful Friend? or do we imagine that we no longer need his assistance? I have lived, Sir, a long time, and the longer I live the more convincing proofs I see of this truth-that God governs in the affairs of men. And if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground without his notice, is it possible that an empire can rise without his aid? We have been assured, Sir, in the sacred writings, that "except the Lord build the house, they labor in vain that build it." I firmly believe this; and I also believe that without His concurring aid, we shall succeed in this political building no better than the builders of Babel. We shall be divided by our little partial local interests; our projects will be confounded, and we ourselves shall become a reproach and a by-word down to future ages. And what is worse, mankind may hereafter, from this unfortunate instance, despair of establishing governments by human wisdom, and leave it to chance, war and conquest.

I therefore beg leave to move-that henceforth prayers imploring the assistance of Heaven, and its blessings upon our deliberations, be held in this assembly every morning before we proceed to business, and that one or more of the clergy of this city be requested to officiate in that service.*

Ex. LXXXIII.-THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.

Speech in Convention, 1787.

JAMES WILSON.t

NEED I call to your remembrance, my fellow citizens, the contrasted scenes of which we have been witnesses? On the

*Strange to say, the motion was not adopted, because, in the words of a writer of the time, "the members of the Convention, with three or four exceptions, thought prayer unnecessary." We cannot suppose WASHINGTON to have sided with the majority!

It is scarcely possible for us, with whom the Constitution has become a household word, to imagine the long and laborious consideration, the stormy

THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.

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glorious conclusion of our conflict with Britain, what high expectations were formed concerning us by others! What high expectations did we form concerning ourselves! Have those expectations been realized? No! What has been the cause? Did our citizens lose their perseverance and magnanimity? No. Did they become insensible of resentment and indignation at any high-handed attempt that might have been made to injure and enslave them? No. What then has been the cause? The truth is, we dreaded danger only on one side this we manfully repelled. But on another side, danger, not less formidable, but more insidious, stole in upon us; and our unsuspicious tempers were not sufficiently attentive, either to its approach or to its operations. Those whom foreign strength could not overpower, have well nigh become the victims of internal anarchy.

When we had baffled all the menaces of foreign power, we neglected to establish among ourselves a government that would ensure domestic vigor and stability. What was the consequence? The commencement of peace was the commencement of every disgrace and distress that could befall a people in a peaceful state. Devoid of national power, we could not prohibit the extravagance of our importations, nor could we derive a revenue from their excess. Devoid of national importance, we could not procure for our exports a tolerable sale at foreign markets. Devoid of national credit, we saw our public securities melt in the hands of the holders, like snow before the sun. Devoid of national dignity, we could not, in some instances, perform our treaties on our parts; and in other instances we could neither obtain nor compel the performance of them on that of others. Devoid of national energy, we could not carry into execution our own resolutions, decisions, nor laws.

But the years of languor are past. We have felt the dishonor with which we have been covered; we have seen the destruction with which we have been threatened. Under these impressions, and with these views, was the late Convention appointed; and under these impressions, and with these views, the late Convention met.

debates, the variety of conflicting opinions, which combined to mould it into its present form. It was a matter of compromises, scarcely any one considering it absolutely perfect, yet each willing to yield his judgment on minor points, for the sake of re-establishing the government, then fast drifting into ruin under the inefficient "Articles of Confederation." But few of the speeches delivered during this period have come down to us, the Convention holding its deliberations under injunctions of the strictest secrecy.

We now see the great end which they proposed to accomplish. It was to frame, for the consideration of their constituents, our federal and national constitution—a constitution that would produce the advantages of good, and prevent the inconveniences of bad government-a constitution whose beneficent energy would pervade the whole Union, and bind and embrace the interests of every part-a constitution that would ensure peace, freedom, and happiness to the States and people of America.

Ex. LXXXIV.-THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.

Speech in Convention, 1787.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.*

SIR: I agree to this constitution with all its faults,-if they are such, because I think a general government necessary for us, and there is no form of government but what may be a blessing to the people, if well administered; and I believe, further, this is likely to be well administered for a course of years, and can only end in despotism, as other forms have done before it, when the people shall become so corrupted as to need despotic government, being incapable of any other. I doubt, too, whether any other Convention we can obtain may be able to make a better constitution. For, when you assemble a number of men, to have the advantage of their joint wisdom, you inevitably assemble with those men all their prejudices, their passions, their errors of opinion, their local interests, and their selfish vices. From such an assembly, can a perfect production be expected? It, therefore, astonishes me, Sir, to find this system approaching so near to perfection as it does, and I think it will astonish our enemies, who are awaiting with confidence to hear that

* It must have been an affecting sight to see the philosopher and statesman, at the age of eighty-one years, still taking an active part in the councils of the nation, and always lending his voice and influence to the side of conciliation and liberality. His aim was to harmonize conflicting opinions, and to be satisfied with the best result that could be attained, on the whole, confident that it was impossible ever to bring a large body of men into perfect unanimity. He lived to see the new system of government in successful operation, and died in 1790, the second year of Washington's presidency.

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