Washington, in short, had that greatness of character which is the highest expression and last result of greatness of mind; for there is no method of building up character except through mind. Indeed, character like his is not built up, stone upon stone, precept upon precept, but grows up, through an actual contact of thought with things; the assimilative mind transmuting the impalpable but potent spirit of public sentiment, and the life of visible facts, and the power of spiritual laws, into individual life and power, so that their mighty energies put on personality, as it were, and act through one centralizing human will. This process may not, if you please, make the great philosopher or the great poet; but it does make the great man, the man in whom thought and judgment seem identical with volition, the man whose vital expression is not in words, but deeds,-the man whose sublime ideas issue necessarily in sublime acts, not in sublime art. It was because Washington's character was thus composed of the inmost substance and power of facts and principles, that men instinctively felt the perfect reality of his comprehensive manhood. This reality enforced universal respect, married strength to repose, and threw into his face that commanding majesty, which made men of the speculative audacity of Jefferson, and the lucid genius of Hamilton, recognize, with unwonted meekness, his awful superiority.

Ex. CVIII.-INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

Delivered before the Senate, March 4, 1801.

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

LET us reflect, fellow-citizens, that having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little, if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions. During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world-during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking, through blood and slaughter, his long lost liberty-it is not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore; that this should be more felt and feared by some, and less by others, and should divide opinions as

AGAINST THE REPEAL OF THE JUDICIARY ACT. 175

to measures of safety; but every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We are all Republicans; we are all Federalists.

If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union, or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated, where reason is left free to combat it. I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government cannot be strong; but would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm, on the theoretic and visionary fear that this government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve itself? I trust not. I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest government on earth. I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern. Sometimes it is said that man can not be trusted with the government of himself. Can he then be trusted with the government of others? Or have we found angels, in the form of kings, to govern him? Let history answer this question.

Let us then with courage and confidence pursue our own federal and republican principles. These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us, and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment; they should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touch-stone by which to try the services of those we trust; and, should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps, and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety.

Ex. CIX.-AGAINST THE REPEAL OF THE JUDICIARY ACT.

MR. PRESIDENT, our situation is peculiar. At present our national compact can prevent a State from acting hostilely * Mr. Morris was at this time U. S. Senator from New York. His public

towards the general interest. But let this compact be destroyed, and each State becomes instantaneously invested with absolute sovereignty. But what, I ask, will be the situation of these States, if, by the dissolution of our national compact, they be left to themselves? What is the probable result? We shall either be the victims of foreign intrigue, and, split into factions, fall under the domination of a foreign power; or else, after the misery and torment of civil war, become the subjects of a usurping military despot. What but this compact-what but this specific part of it, can save us from ruin?

The judicial power, that fortress of the Constitution, is now to be overturned. With honest Ajax, I would not only throw a shield before it-I would build around it a wall of brass. But I am too weak to defend the rampart against the host of assailants. I must call to my assistance their good sense, their patriotism, and their virtue. Do not, gentlemen, suffer the rage of passion to drive reason from her seat. If this law be indeed bad, let us join to remedy the defects. Has it been passed in a manner which wounded your pride or roused your resentment? Have, I conjure you, the magnanimity to pardon that offence. Í entreat, I implore you, to sacrifice those angry passions to the interests of our country. Pour out this pride of opinion on the altar of patriotism. Let it be an expiatory libation for the weal of America. Do not, for God's sake, do not suffer that pride to plunge us all into the abyss of ruin.

Indeed, indeed, it will be of little, very little avail, whether one opinion or the other be right or wrong; it will heal no wounds; it will pay no debts; it will rebuild no ravaged towns. Do not rely on that popular will which has brought us frail beings into political existence. That opinion is but a changeable thing. It will soon change. This very measure will change it. You will be deceived. Do not, I beseech you, in reliance on a foundation so frail, commit the dignity, the harmony, the existence of our nation to the wild wind. Trust not your treasure to the waves. services began with his election to the Provincial Congress of New York in 1775; he was afterward member of the Continental Congress, and of the Convention which framed the Constitution. He aided Robert Morris in those financial operations so important to the struggling country; and during Washington's administration was appointed Minister to France. His vast information, long political experience, and fervid eloquence, gave him a conspicuous place in the Senate, even among the brilliant lights so numerous in that body at the beginning of this century.

NECESSITY OF AVOIDING A WAR WITH FRANCE.

177

Throw not your compass and your charts into the ocean. Do not believe that its billows will waft you into port. Indeed, indeed, you will be deceived. Oh! cast not away this only anchor of our safety. I have seen its progress. I know the difficulties through which it was obtained. I stand in the presence of Almighty God and of the world. I declare you, that if you lose this charter, never, no, never, will you get another! We are now, perhaps, arrived at the parting point. Here, even here, we stand on the brink of fate. Pause! Pause! For Heaven's sake, pause!

to

Ex. CX.-NECESSITY OF AVOIDING A WAR WITH FRANCE.

Speech in Congress, 1803.

DE WITT CLINTON.*

IF I were called upon to prescribe a course of policy most important for this country to pursue, it would be to avoid European connections and wars. The time must arrive when we will have to contend with some of the great powers of Europe, but let that period be put off as long as possible. As a young nation, pursuing industry in every channel, and adventuring commerce in every sea, it is highly important that we should not only have a pacific character, but that we should deserve it. If we manifest an unwarrantable ambition, and a rage for conquest, we unite all the great powers of Europe against us. The security of all the European possessions in our vicinity will eternally depend, not upon their strength, but upon our moderation and justice. Look at the Canadas; at the Spanish territories to the south; at the British, Spanish, French, Danish and Dutch West India Islands; at the vast countries to the west, as far as where

* Mr. Clinton was for two sessions in the U. S. Senate, but passed the rest of his political life in posts of honor and responsibility in his native State. Such was the value attached to his services by his fellow-citizens, that they never allowed him to be unemployed except when he declined an election. It was his public spirit and perseverance that carried through the construction of the Erie Canal, amid discouragement and opposition that would have overpowered a person of less firm determination. At the time of making the speech quoted above, he was comparatively a young man, and his cautious policy is in singular contrast with the impetuous war-temper of his colleague, Mr. Morris, many years his senior.

the Pacific rolls its waves. Consider well the consequences that would result, if we were possessed by a spirit of conquest. Consider well the impression which a manifestation of that spirit will make upon those who would be affected by it.

If we are to rush at once into the territory of a neighboring nation with fire and sword, for the misconduct of a subordinate officer, will not our national character be greatly injured? Will we not be classed with the robbers and destroyers of mankind? Will not the nations of Europe perceive in this conduct the germ of a lofty spirit and an enterprising ambition, which will level them to the earth, when age has matured our strength, and expanded our powers of annoyance, unless they combine to cripple us in our infancy? May not the consequences be, that we must look out for a naval force to protect our commerce-that a close alliance will result that we will be thrown at once into the ocean of European politics, where every wave that rolls, and every wind that blows, will agitate our bark? Is this a desirable state of things? Will the people of this country be seduced into it by all the colorings of rhetoric, and all the arts of sophistry, by vehement appeals to their pride, and artful addresses to their cupidity? No, Sir! Three-fourths of the American people-I assert it boldly and without fear of contradiction are opposed to this measure! And would you take up arms with a mill-stone hanging around your neck? How would you bear up, not only against the force of the enemy, but against the irresistible current of public opinion? The thing, Sir, is impossible; the measure is worse than madness; it is wicked beyond the powers of description!

Ex. CXI.-NECESSITY OF PREPARING FOR A WAR WITH FRANCE

Speech in Congress, 1803.

GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

MR. PRESIDENT: My object is peace. I could assign many reasons to show that this declaration is sincere. But can it be necessary to give the Senate any other assurance than my word? Notwithstanding the acerbity of temper