looking to the good of the people themselves. She felt that it was better for the people to be ruled by those whom they had selected for their own rulers. She felt that, even if she was right in her advice and her Ministers were wrong, still it was better for the people-because this was their own choice, communicated by their representativesit was better for the people that that should be done which was consistent with their freedom rather than that which, possibly at the moment, might be of better advantage even to the people themselves. She felt that it was better that mistakes should be made in the one direction than in the other; and at all times this freedom of the people was sacred to her, and she yielded to. those who represented the people even when she thought they were mistaken, because it was best that freedom should be so maintained. She knew that in the end a free people would govern themselves better than the wisest could govern them. She knew that this freedom of theirs was the true source of all real progress, of all real gain and advantage. She knew that this freedom of theirs was a precious possession, leading sometimes no doubt to mistaken policy, and sometimes no doubt bringing serious evils after it; but, for all that, still the freedom was better to have than the coercion which might possibly for the moment have been more to their own advantage. And so she governed within the limits of the Constitution, holding herself always free to speak plain truth to all those that were to execute the nation's will, holding herself free to make it perfectly clear what it was she thought, and what it was she would prefer; and yet, whatever she preferred, the freedom of her people came first. That is the position of a constitutional Monarch that is the position which she chose for herself; and before the eyes of all the world she has solved that problem which has so often been pronounced impossible. She has solved that problem, and she has left to all statesmen a wonderful lesson of the value of a sovereign in such a position; and often and often she has made her Ministers feel that her sure instinct had foreseen the issue of what was to be done better than they had foreseen it themselves. And so, never again shall it be said that a constitutional monarchy is an impossible form; for be the man the strongest, the wisest, the greatest that ever lived, if he is to be a perfect ruler he will respect the freedom of those whom he rules, and he will guide himself by their resolve in order that that freedom may be preserved.

Edward VII.

According to Constitutional Law recognised for six centuries, the Prince of Wales became King of England the moment the Queen died. He was formally proclaimed at a Council held at St. James's Palace on the following morning, when the King addressed his Privy Councillors in a speech which extorted admiration even from those who are least prone to flatter the Court. The speech, which is reported in the Court Circular, is not quite identical with that which the Prince delivered when he spoke extempore, and as no reporters were admitted the Court Chronicler had to ask the King to repeat his speech to the best of his remembrance, after the Council was over. According to the report of those who heard the first speech, the King declared that he had decided to adopt the title of Edward VII. instead of that of Albert, in deference to the wishes of his mother; but that does not appear in the official record. Therein it is stated that he announced it as due to his own resolution to be known by the name of Edward, which had been borne by six of his ancestors. In doing so, he said, "I do not under

value the name of Albert, which I inherited from my ever-to-be-lamented great and wise father, who by universal consent is, I think, deservedly known by the name of Albert the Good; and I desire that his name should stand alone." The King, at this his first appearance as the new monarch, spoke with dignity and with deep feeling, and there was a note of solemn determination in the pledge with which he concluded his speech when he declared that he was resolved to devote his whole strength during the remainder of his life to the arduous duties which had devolved upon him by inheritance. It remains to be seen whether those solemn promises will be followed by a serious performance, but for the present every one is hoping for the best.

Shakespeare's England.

The ceremony of proclaiming the advent of Edward VII. was carried out by the time-honoured ceremonial which, at the accession of each Sovereign, reminds us of the unbroken continuity of the Monarchy. The heralds and pursuivants who proclaimed the King at St. James's Palace, then wended their way to the City, to be met at Temple Bar by the functionaries of the City, who after due explanation graciously consented to allow the Royal Heralds to enter its precincts, in order that Edward VII. might be proclaimed King therein. The scene in front of the Mansion House revived strange memories of bygone days, and Shakespeare's England for a moment seemed to live and breathe before our eyes. It was some satisfaction to know that with the one exception of making adequate provision for the representatives of the Press, all the stately functions which were necessitated by the advent of the new Sovereign went smoothly and without a hitch. The King was proclaimed in the various cities of Great Britain and in the capitals of the various colonies and dependencies of the Crown. The old form was preserved throughout, but at Pretoria the King was proclaimed not only as King of Great Britain and Ireland and Emperor of Hindustan, but also as Supreme Lord of and over the Transvaal, a novelty which has excited much remark. It indicated, no doubt, an intention to treat the Transvaal as a political entity, possessing a status quite distinct from that of such a colony, for instance, as Malta or Ceylon; and speculation is rife as to the author of this unexpected addition to the Royal titles. The general opinion prevails that it originated with the German Emperor, especially as the phrase "of and over" is entirely foreign to the style usually observed by English Sovereigns.

The Recovery of the Tsar.

While the English-speaking world was mourning the death of the Queen, the Russians, more fortunate, were rejoicing in the return of the Tsar to his capital. This event passed with comparatively little comment, owing to the pre-occupation of the newspapers with our own bereavement. Otherwise Europe would have rung with thanksgiving at the complete restoration to health of the Russian Emperor. Various alarming rumours have been circulated from time to time as to the sequelae of his illness, but they appear to have no foundation in fact. The Tsar has completely recovered his health, and all anxiety on that score may happily be dismissed.

The Bi-Centenary

of
the Prussian
Monarchy.

Another great European event which has been eclipsed by the death of the Queen was the celebration of the bi-centenary of the foundation of the Prussian Kingdom. It is stated that the Queen forbade the issue of any bulletins before the Friday when the first intimation appeared that her life was in danger, lest the news should mar the festivities at her grandson's Court. The speedy break-up of her constitution rendered it impossible to delay the official announcement any later, but the delay had enabled the loyal Prussians and the head of the House to celebrate with stately pomp and popular enthusiasm the birth of a Kingdom which has one of the most remarkable histories of modern times. It is not so much what the Prussian Kings have already achieved which interests the world, as the speculation as to what their descendants are likely to achieve in the present century. So far as can be gathered from their utterances, their ambition will be to make Germany as puissant on the sea as their predecessors made her powerful on land.

The

Visit

to Australia.

The sad event which marred the Duke of York's Prussian festivities postponed indefinitely the visit which the Duke and Duchess of York were about to pay to Australia. The Australians have celebrated their birthday, or that of the new Commonwealth, with immense enthusiasm, which foreshadowed the demonstrations of delight that would have welcomed the first visit of the heir to the British throne to the Empire at the Antipodes. The programme as originally planned was abandoned as soon as the life of the Queen was despaired of. It will probably be revived at a later date. The Duke of York was the only member of the Royal Family who was unable to be present at the obsequies of his grandmother. A severe attack of German measles confined him to his bed at the time of the great funeral pageant.

The

The question of the Nicaragua Canal has also fallen into the background. Nicaragua Canal. The American Press was on the qui vive for information as to the line which the British Government would take when it met in the middle of last month, but no one in this country and probably no one in the Cabinet has spared one thought to the Nicaragua Canal. It is one of these matters which can be forgotten with profit by the British public. According to the reports from Washington, Mr. Choate had by no means an unsatisfactory conversation with Lord Lansdowne on the subject of the Canal. The clause forbidding the fortification of the Canal was not struck out by the Senate, although it was practically rendered of no effect by another clause which authorised the United States to take what measure it required to protect its Own property. It is believed in influential quarters that no serious objection will be taken by the British Government to the Treaty as it stands. It is sincerely to be hoped that this report is true. We have everything to gain by the construction of the Canal, and we have nothing to lose by giving the United States the freest possible hand in carrying out an enterprise which they would be fools to undertake unless they were free to defend it whenever its safety was endangered. The only

result of rejecting the Canal would be to play into the hands of those who desire to denounce the ClaytonBulwer Treaty or to treat it as non-existent. It is an entire misconception of the position to assume that the Senate by its amendment treated the ClaytonBulwer Treaty as non-existent. On the contrary, it proposed that the Treaty as offered for our acceptance is a recognition that our consent is necessary for the formal annulling of a convention which events have rendered an anachronism.

The French Shoře

for Gambia.

Another difficulty on the other side
of the Atlantic seems to be in a fair
way of settlement.
It is perhaps

too much to hope that the sanguine statement published at the beginning of last month. will be justified by the event; but there seems to be no disposition on the part of France to give up her treaty rights in Newfoundland in return for reasonable compensation elsewhere. There has been a good deal about exchanging the French shore for Gambia, that is to say, that France would abandon her exclusive rights in Newfoundland in exchange for the cession of the British colony of Gambia on the West Coast of Africa. This may not be a final arrange

Peace in Sight in China.

Affairs in China appeared to make some progress, but in reality are very much where they were. The terms of the Allied Powers have been accepted, and Count von Waldersee is said to have telegraphed home that peace was in sight. Our experience in South Africa makes us very dubious about the assurances of fieldmarshals as to the end of wars. Li Hung Chang is reported to be ill, and a temporary arrangement has been made between the local officials on the spot providing for the protection of the Russian Railway through Manchuria, the significance of which has been exaggerated by the Times correspondent at Peking, who appears to hold a watching brief on behalf of the Russophobes, and who is never so happy as when he can telegraph what appears to be some inconsistency between Russia's acts and her pledges. Long telegrams appear from China every day in the papers, but they leave a very confused impression upon the mind. One thing seems to be clear, and that is that there is great disposition on the part of the American Government to work together with Russia, and that our Government, instead of following the sensible lead of President McKinley, is tying itself up more and more with the German policy. Nothing as yet has been done to call attention to the hideous outrages which have been perpetrated by the Allied troops upon the Chinese. The French Government has condemned the looting practised by its representatives, but so far we have had no intimation that Lord Lansdowne or Mr. Brodrick have done anything to censure those officers and representatives of Great Britain who, in flagrant defiance of the Hague Convention, treated Peking as a city to sack.

The middle of last month witnessed Exile to Siberia a reform which is likely to have a

country, primarily, and not the interests of the convicts, which led the Tsar's commission to conclude that the abolition of exile could not be longer delayed. The criminals, henceforth immured in Russian prisons, will probably regret the comparatively free, though shiftless and miserable life they led in Asia. It is the industrious peasants who will gain. Of 300,000 exiles, M. Salomin found that 100,000 were vagabonds, another 100,000 a homeless proletariat, while only 30,000-a tenth of the total— were settled agriculturists. Not more than 4,500 had a chance of final assimilation with the noncriminal population. The great majority of the exiles were in the end driven to prey on the peaceful population. Exile fulfilled no object, either punitive or colonising, while it was a scourge to the lawabiding. As in Australia, so in Siberia--it was humanity to the colonists, not to the convicts, which led to the abolition of the system. What the convicts will say is another question.

of

The same sad event which trunThe Health cated the Prussian celebration and President Kruger. postponed the Duke of York's visit to Australia has exercised a distinct, although possibly only a temporary, influence upon the fortunes of President Kruger. It would have been unseemly to have received the President at a time when all the world was paying tribute of respect to Queen Victoria. The President therefore lived very quietly at the Hague, recovering from his bronchial catarrh, and has now gone to Utrecht for an operation on his eyes, which appears to have been very successful. There is some question as to his going to the Riviera, to dispel the remnants of his bronchial catarrh ; but the President objects to visit a country where no one speaks Dutch, and what is much more serious, where he could find no place of worship in which he could attend service on Sunday. It would really seem as if President Kruger should follow the example of other potentates, and have his Court Chaplain, who would see that he was not left without pulpit ministrations wherever he might be. The question of his visiting America is revived again, and here also it is possible that the outburst of enthusiasm on behalf of the Queen may militate against the success of his proposed tour. There are signs, however, that the popular feeling in America is turning against the Philippine War; and the war in the Philippines and that in South Africa are so closely connected with the wave of Jingoism that one can hardly fail to affect the fortunes of the other.