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But they say, that the adoption of this system will occasion an augmentation of taxes. To object to it on this ground, is as much as to say-no union-stand by yourselves. An increase of taxes is a terror that no friend to the union ought to be alarmed at. The impost must produce a great sum. The contrary cannot be supposed. I conceive the particular expense of particular states will be diminished, and that diminution will to a certain extent, support the union. Either disunion, or separate confederacies, will enhance the expense. An union of all the states will be, even on economical principles, more to the interest of the people of Virginia, than either separate confederacies or disunion. Had the states complied with the obligations, imposed upon them by the confederation, this attempt would never have been made. The unequivocal experience we have had of their inefficacy, renders this change necessary. If union be necessary for our safety, we ought not to address the avarice of this house. I am confident that not a single member of this committee would be moved by such unworthy considerations. We are told that the people do not understand this government. I am persuaded that they do not-not for the want of more time to understand it, but to correct the misrepresentations of it. When I meditated an opposition to previous amendments, I marked the number of what appeared to me to be errors, and which I wish to be subsequently removed. But its real errors have been exaggerated-it has not met with a fair decision. It must be candidly acknowledged, that there are some evils in it which ought to be removed. But I am confident that such gross misrepresentations have been made of it, that if carried before any intelligent men, they would wonder at such glaring attempts to mislead, or at such absolute misapprehension of the subject. Though it be not per

fect, any government is better than the risk which gentlemen wish us to run.

Another construction he gives, is, that it is exclusively in the power of congress to arm the militia, and that the states could not do it if congress thought proper to neglect it. I am astonished how this idea could enter into the gentleman's mind, whose acuteness no man doubts. How can this be fairly deduced from the following clause? "To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia; and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the states respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia, according to the discipline prescribed by congress." He complains much of implication, but in this case he has made use of it himself; for his construction of this clause, cannot possibly be supported without it. It is clear and selfevident that the pretended danger cannot result from this clause. Should congress neglect to arm or discipline the militia, the states are fully possessed of the power of doing it; for they are restrained from it by no part of the constitution.

The sweeping clause, as it is called, is much dreaded. I find that I differ from several gentlemen on this point. This formidable clause does not in the least increase the powers of congress. It is only inserted for greater caution, and to prevent the possibility of encroaching upon the powers of congress. No sophistry will be permit ted to be used to explain away any of those powersnor can they possibly assume any other power, but what is contained in the constitution, without absolute usurpation. Another security is, that if they attempt such an usurpation, the influence of the state governments, will stop it in the bud of hope. I know this government will be cautiously watched. The smallest assumption of power

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will be sounded in alarm to the people, and followed by bold and active opposition. I hope that my countrymen will keep guard against every arrogation of power. shall take notice of what the honourable gentleman said, with respect to the power to provide for the general welfare. The meaning of this clause has been perverted to alarm our apprehensions. The whole clause has not been read together. It enables congress "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises; to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States." The plain and obvious meaning of this, is, that no more duties, taxes, imposts and excises shall be laid, than are sufficient to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States.

If you mean to have a general government at all, ought it not to be empowered to raise money to pay the debts, and advance the prosperity of the United States, in the manner that congress shall think most eligible? What is the consequence of the contrary? You give power by one hand and take it away from it by the other. If it be defective in some parts, yet we ought to give due credit to those parts which are acknowledged to be good. Does not the prohibition of paper money merit our approbation? I approve of it because it prohibits tender laws, secures the widows and orphans, and prevents the states from impairing contracts. I admire that part which forces Virginia to pay her debts. If we recur to the bill of rights, which the honourable gentleman speaks so much of, we will find that it recommends justice. Had not this power been given, my affection for it would not have been so great. When it obliges us to tread in the paths of virtue-when it takes away from the most influential

man, the power of directing our passions to his own emolument, and of trampling upon justice, I hope to be excused when I say, that were it more objectionable than it is, I would vote for the union.

MR. HENRY'S SPEECH,

IN REPLY TO MR. MADISON, ON THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.

A PERSON of much celebrity in the world of letters once replied to a proposition that was made to prune the works of Shakspeare, by entirely and for ever lopping away all the matter that might be deemed cumbersome and unworthy of being mingled with the beauties of that poet, -"Not a sentence!-no-not one particle of Shakspeare should be lost."-For the eloquence of Patrick Henry the editor of this work entertains precisely the same feelings. He thinks that not a particle of it should be lost. He therefore has resolved to bring forth from the various publications, through which they are scattered, and accumulate in this work every morsel of that great man's oratory, that can be obtained by diligent research; being persuaded that his readers, and (unless pure taste and patriotism shall, in the mean time, be banished from the country) posterity also will be thankful to him for his design, and applaud him for his industry.

MR. CHAIRMAN,

ONCE more I find it necessary to trespass on your patience. An honourable gentleman several days ago observed, that the great object of this government was justice. We were told before, that the greater consideration

was union. However, the consideration of justice seems to have been what influenced his mind when he made strictures on the proceedings of the Virginia assembly. I thought the reasons of that transaction had been sufficiently explained.

It is exceedingly painful to me to have such frequent cause for objecting, but I must make a few observations. I shall not again adyert to the long catalogue of dangers with which the honourable gentleman has entertained us. They appear to me ridiculous, unfounded—indeed absolutely imaginary. They have in my conception been proved to be such. But sure I am, that the dangers of this system are real, when those who have no similar interests with the people of this country, are entitled to legislate for us-when our dearest interests are left in the power of those whose advantage it may be to infringe them. How shall the quotas of troops be furnished? Hated as requisitions are, your federal officers cannot collect troops like dollars, and carry them in their pockets. You must make those abominable requisitions for them, and the scale will be in proportion to the number of your blacks, as well as your whites, unless they violate the constitutional rule of apportionment. This is not calculated to rouse the fears of the people. It is founded in truth. How oppressive and dangerous must this be to the southern states who alone have slaves, rendering as it must their proportion infinitely greater than that of the northern states. It has been openly avowed that this shall be the rule. I appeal to the judgments of the committee, whether there be danger. The honourable gentleman has said, that there was no precedent for this American res volution. We have precedents in abundance. They have been drawn from Great Britain. Tyranny crept in there in the same manner in which it was introduced among VOL. I. 2 E

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