possible, I cannot leave this part of the subject, without adverting to one remark of an honourable gentleman. He says, that rather than bring the union into danger, he will adopt it with its imperfections. A great deal is said about disunion, and consequent dangers. I have no claim to a greater share of fortitude than others, but I can see no kind of danger. I form my judgment on a single fact alone,—that we are at peace with all the world, and that there is not any apparent cause of a rupture with any nation in the world. Is it among the American states that the cause of disunion is to be feared?-Are not the states using all their efforts for the promotion of union? New England sacrifices local prejudices for the purposes of union. We hear the necessity of the union, and predilection for the union, re-echoed from all parts of the continent; and all at once disunion is to follow! If gentlemen dread disunion, the very thing they advocate will inevitably produce it. A previous ratification will raise insurmountable obstacles to union. New York is one insurmountable obstacle to it, and North Carolina is another. -They will never accede to it, till it be amended. A great part of Virginia is opposed most decidedly to it, as it stands. This very spirit which will govern us in these three states, will find a kindred spirit in the adopting states. Give me leave to say, that it is very problema. tical, whether the adopting states can stand on their own legs. I hear only on one side, but as far as my information goes, there are heart-burnings and animosities among them. Will these animosities be cured by subsequent amendments?

Turn away from America, and consider European politics. The nations there which can trouble us are France, England, and Spain. But at present we know for a certainty, that those nations are engaged in very different pursuits from American conquests. We are told by our

intelligent ambassador, that there is no such danger as has been apprehended. Give me leave then to say, that dangers from beyond the Atlantic are imaginary. From these premises then, it may be concluded, that from the creation of the world to this time, there never was a more fair and proper opportunity than we have at this day to establish such a government, as will permanently establish the most transcendant political felicity. Since the revolution, there has not been so much experienceSince then, the general interests of America have not been better understood, nor the union more ardently loved, than at this present moment. I acknowledge the weakness of the old confederation. Every man says, that something must be done. Where is the moment more favourable than this? During the war, when ten thousand dangers surrounded us, America was magnanimous. What was the language of the little state of Maryland? "I will have time to consider. I will hold out three years. Let what may come, I will have time to reflect." Magnanimity appeared every where. What was the upshot? America triumphed. Is there any thing to forbid us to offer these amendments to the other states? If this moment goes away unimproved, we shall never see its return. We now act under a happy system, which says, that a majority may alter the government when necessary. But by the paper proposed, a majority will forever endeavour in vain to alter it. Three fourths may. Is not this the most promising time for securing the necessary alte ration? Will you go into that government, where it is a principle, that a contemptible minority may prevent an alteration? What will be the language of the majority? -Change the government!-Nay, seven eighths of the people of America may wish the change; but the minority may come with a Roman veto, and object to the alteration. The language of a magnanimous country, and of

freemen is, "till you remove the defects, we will not accede." It would be in vain for me to show, that there is no danger to prevent our obtaining those amendments, if you are not convinced already. If the other states will not agree to them, it is not an inducement to union. The language of this paper is not dictatorial, but merely a proposition for amendments. The proposition of Virginia met with a favourable reception before. We proposed that convention which met at Annapolis. It was not called dictatorial. We proposed that at Philadelphia. Was Virginia thought dictatorial? But Virginia is now to lose her pre-eminence. Those rights of equality to which the meanest individual in the community is entitled, is to bring us down infinitely below the Delaware people. Have we not a right to say, hear our propositions? Why, sir, your slaves have a right to make their humble requests.-Those who are in the meanest occupations of human life, have a right to complain. What do we re quire? Not pre-eminence, but safety: That our citizens may be able to sit down in peace and security under their own fig trees. I am confident that sentiments like these, will meet with unison in every state: For they all wish to` banish discord from the American soil. I am certain that the warmest friend of the constitution, wishes to have fewer enemies fewer of those who pester and plague him with opposition. I could not withhold from my fellow citizens any thing so reasonable. I fear you will have no union, unless you remove the cause of opposition. Will you sit down contented with the name of union without any solid foundation?

Mr. Henry then concluded, by expressing his hopes, that his resolution would be adopted, and added, that if the committee should disapprove of any of his amendments, others might be substituted.

256

SPEECH

OF

THE HONOURABLE JAMES WILSON,

DELIVERED IN JANUARY 1775, IN THE CONVENTION FOR THE PROVINCE OF PENNSYLVANIA.

AMONG those who have contributed to the general advancement of political science and jurisprudence in the United States, the author of the following speech holds a distinguished rank. Of his public character to say any thing in this place were superfluous, since enough is already known of it in every part of the union, where the happy influence of laws, learning, and public virtue is felt. Respecting himself personally, we have been told that he was a native of Scotland, and at an early age passed over to America. There, if our information be correct, he arrived about ten years before the breaking out of the disturbances, which ended in the disruption of the colonies from the crown of Great Britain. Being an excellent scholar, and endowed with those virtues, in which the people of his native country are seldom deficient-namely, discretion, integrity, industry and sound moral conduct, he did not long remain unnoticed. In order to keep himself employed, till he could meet with something better calculated to fill his grasp, he accepted the place of a teacher in the Pennsylvania Academy, which he soon after relinquished for the purpose of devoting his undivided attention to the study of law, under Mr. John Dickinson, the celebrated author of the Farmer's Letters. As soon as he was qualified for the practice of that profession, he obtained admittance into

the courts, and placed himself at Reading in Berks county, with an intention, as it is said, of permanently settling there; but finding the inhabitants of that neighbourhood, [who, with the exception of a happy few, were uncouth, ill-mannered, and illiterate German Boors] not pleased with his Scottish accent and decorous deportment, or, what I think infinitely more probable, being himself disgusted with their gross manners and impracticable temper, he left that town and removed to Carlisle in the county of Cumberland, where his talents soon bore their just value, and he rose not only to the esteem of that circle, but to high conspicuity in all parts of the province. In the contest with the mother country, he took a decided part in favour of the colonies-acquired much celebrity by a very able and luminous tract upon the legislative authority of the British parliament over them, and was elected a member of the congress which met in Philadelphia in the year 1774, in which station he continued an ardent and distinguished champion of American rights, till the independence of the states was completely established.

As a professor of law and a lecturer upon that science, and as a judge, his reputation stands upon a proud height. Of his excellence as an orator, the reader will be enabled by a perusal of the following specimens of his eloquence, to form a just estimate.

At the meeting of the parliament of Great Britain in the month of November 1774, the king's opening speech informed them, that "a most daring spirit of resistance and disobedience still prevailed in Massachusetts, and had broken forth in fresh violences of a criminal nature; that the most proper and effectual methods had been taken to prevent these mischiefs; and that they (the parliament) might depend upon a firm resolution, to withstand every attempt to weaken or impair the supreme VOL. I. 2 K