WHAT I HAVE ON MY MIND, AND WISH TO IMPART. On this occasion, I conceived myself bound to attend strictly to the safety of the state, because I thought her dearest interests at hazard. Having lived so long, and been so much honoured, my efforts, though feeble, are due to my country. I have found my mind hurried on from subject to subject, on this very great occasion. We have been all out of order from the outset, from the gentleman who opened to-day, to myself. I did not come prepared to speak on so multifarious a subject, in so general a manner.-I trust you will indulge me another time. Before you abandon the present system, I trust, you will duly consider, not the defects of it alone, but those of the plan, which you are called upon to substitute in its place. May you be fully apprised of the dangers of the latter, not by fatal experience, but by some abler adVocate than I am.

GOVERNOR RANDOLPH'S SPEECH,

IN THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION ON THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION, IN REPLY TO THE AFORESAID SPEECH OF MR. HENRY.

MR. EDMUND RANDOLPH was governor of the state of Virginia, at the time that the question of adopting the federal government was under consideration. He was descended from one of the oldest families of gentlemen in that state, and by connexions and influence, as well as fortune, talents, and profession, had long held a very respectable, if not distinguished rank in his country. Upon the final establishment of the federal constitution, he was elevated by Washington to the station of attorneygeneral to the United States, in which he continued till the beginning of the year 1794, when he was, by the same illustrious personage, called up to fill the office of

secretary of state, then made vacant by the resignation of Mr. Jefferson. In both those high situations, he bore an active and conspicuous share in the eventful public transactions of that period, and particularly in the cabinet councils of the father of his country, at the very important, delicate, and critical juncture, when the artful intrigues and audacious machinations of the French minister, by raising alarming discontents among the people, rendered the situation of our executive exceedingly difficult and vexatious. Though on most of the questions which divided the cabinet, respecting our relations with France, Mr. Randolph counselled and voted against the members whose opinions coincided with the sentiments of the president, he remained in office till August, 1795, when certain practices of no very honourable nature, into which he was betrayed, excited the suspicion and censure of Washington; in consequence of which he resigned, in order to avoid a formal dismissal. In a short time afterwards, he published a long and very laboured defence of his conduct, the effect of which on the public mind, if indeed it had any at all, was by no means correspondent to his wishes, being very little calculated to diminish the odium it was intended to remove. The transaction was of a nature, which few men feel disposed to vindicate-it was considered as involving perfidy, and the character of Mr. Randolph was never restored to its former purity.

That he possessed considerable intellectual endowments, the bare fact of his having been selected by such a person as Washington, for two important offices of state, will always be held as decisive evidence: and yet, certain passages in his public conduct bespcak a mind deficient in vigour, and the defence of himself, to which allusion has been made above, displayed neither perspicacity, acuteness, nor force. His eloquence, however, at

least in the specimen now presented, is of another and a better character. Like most celebrated orators, he seems to have excelled rather in the rostrum or the forum, than at the council-board, or the desk.

In the following speech, though it displays neither very great depth of thought, nor remarkable subtlety of argumentation, Mr. Randolph evinces much sound sense, and the most perfect knowledge of the subject under discussion. Being in reply, his arrangement generally follows that of his leader; but in all that belongs to himself, it is lucid and exact.-His analogies, where he has thought proper to resort to them, are close and conclusive; his developement of facts candid and satisfactory, and his perception of consequences unforced, natural, and clear. The whole speech, indeed, is recommended by an air of sincerity and earnestness, one of the most irresistible charms in eloquence, and, like that to which it is intended as a reply, an ardent love of country breathes through every line of it. The two orators, however, manifest their patriotism in two distinct ways: Henry seems alive, exclusively, to the LIBERTY AND HAPPINESS OF THE PEOPLE-Randolph, to the MORAL CHARACTER AND HONOUR OF THE REPUBLIC.

MR. CHAIRMAN,

I AM a child of the revolution. At an early age, and în a time when I most wanted it, my country took me under its protection; and by a succession of favours and honours, prevented even my most ardent wishes. For those favours, I feel the highest gratitude. My attachment to my country is, as it ought to be, unbounded, and her felicity is the most fervent prayer of my heart. Conscious of having exerted my faculties to the utmost in her behalf, if I have not succeeded in securing the esteem of my countrymen, I shall derive abundant consola

tion from the rectitude of my intentions. Honours, when compared to the satisfaction arising from a conscious independence of spirit and rectitude of conduct, are as nothing. The unwearied study of my life shall be to promote the happiness of America. As a citizen, ambition and popularity are, at this time of day, no objects with me. I expect, in the course of a year to retire to that private station which I most sincerely and cordially prefer to all others. The security of public justice, sir, is what I most fervently wish-as I consider that object to be a primary, indeed an indispensable requisite in the attainment of public happiness. I can truly declare to the whole world, that in the part I take in this very important question, I am actuated by no other motive than a regard for what I conceive to be the best interest of these states. I can also, with equal sincerity, declare, that I would join heart and hand in rejecting this system, were I not convinced that it will promote our happiness: but having a strong conviction on my mind, at this time, that by a disunion we shall throw away all those blessings we have so resolutely fought for, and that a rejection of the constitution will occasion disunion-I am determined to discharge the obligation I owe to my country, by voting for its adoption. We are told that the report of dangers is false. The cry of peace, sir, is false: what they call peace is but a deceitful calm. The tempest lowers over youlook round-wheresoever you cast your eyes, you sce danger. While there are so many witnesses in various parts of America, that justice is trampled under foot, shall peace and happiness still be said to reign? Candour, sir, requires an undisguised representation of our situation. Candour, sir, demands a faithful exposition of facts. Many citizens have found justice suppressed or pervert ed, in the ordinary course of jurisprudence in this coun. try. Are those who have debts due to them satisfied with VOL. I.

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your government? Are not creditors wearied with the tedious procrastination of your legal process? A process obscured by legislative mists. Cast your eyes to your seaports, see how commerce languishes. This country, so blessed by nature with every advantage that can render commerce profitable, has, through defective legislation, been deprived of all the benefits and emoluments she might otherwise reap from it. We hear of many complaints on the subject of located lands-of a variety of competitors claiming the same lands under legislative acts of public faith prostrated, and of private confidence destroyed. I ask you, if your laws are reverenced: In every well regulated community, the laws command respect. Are your's entitled to reverence? We not only see violations of the constitution, but of national principles, in repeated instances. How is the fact? The history of the violations of the constitution extends from the year 1776, to this present time-violations made by formal acts of the legislature. Every thing has been drawn within the legislative vortex. There is one example of this violation in Virginia, of a most striking and shocking nature-an example so horrid, that if I conceived my country would passively permit a repetition of it, dear as that country is to me, I would seek some means of expatriating myself for ever. A man, who was then a citizen, was deprived of his life, thus-from a mere reliance on general reports, a gentleman in the house of delegates informed the house, that a certain man, named Josiah Phillips, had committed several crimes, and was running at large, perpetrating other crimes; he therefore moved for leave to attaint him; he obtained that leave instantly; no sooner did he obtain it, than he drew from his pocket a bill ready written for that effect; it was read three times in one day, and carried to the senate: I will not say that it passed the same day through the senate: but the man was