bodies, and over the people themselves? Is not the most mighty and dangerous of them now convulsing the country by its struggles for continued existence? Has it not already arrayed the rich as an associated class in its support? Has it not assailed the purity of the press, the fidelity of our representatives, and the freedom of our elections, the three great pillars which support the noble superstructure of American liberty? Has it not betrayed the just authority of Congress, and, with reckless audacity, dared to dictate to us the choice of our rulers? Has it not, by its control over the currency and business of the country, spread far and wide dismay, misery, and ruin, that it might coerce and intimidate the people to an acquiescence in its wishes? Has it not engaged in an organized effort virtually to rob the mechanics and working classes of the right of suffrage, by driving them from the employment upon which they and their families depend for subsistence, unless they would surrender this dearest birthright of freemen to the dictation of those who, by means of their wealth, possess an accidental power over them? And if it be successful in effecting a recharter, is any one so infatuated as to hope that, when the time for another renewal recurs, its application can be resisted? If Andrew Jackson, with a long life of glorious public service, with a degree of popularity and public confidence never enjoyed before save by the Father of his Country, and sustained by a party numerous, united, and powerful almost beyond example-if he is unequal to the conflict, who shall hereafter dare encounter its peril and hazard? or who, having the patriotism and the firmness to make the attempt, can have the slightest chance of success? No, fellow-citizens, this contest can never be refought. Give to the bank extended existence, postpone the struggle now when you are better prepared to meet it than you can expect ever again to be, allow the bank to inweave itself more closely with our commercial system, and to strengthen its alliance with the wealth of the nation, and every effort to resist its power hereafter will be fruitless. In practice, it will be perpetual. It will exist forever, the centre and stronghold of the money power. New exclusive privileges will soon be demanded. The means now employed to effect its designs, if once successful, will again be resorted to and be again successful. It will assemble around it all the rich and aristocratic, giving unity to their efforts and

wielding their energies, till finally, as with advancing time wealth accumulates and poverty becomes more excessive, A MONEYED ARISTOCRACY will hold undisputed sway over this now free and happy people."

During the winter following these proceedings, he prepared a really exhaustive argument to prove that the Treasury is an executive department of the government. President Jackson had removed Mr. Duane from the office of Secretary of the Treasury, for refusing to comply with his request for the removal of the government deposits from the United States Bank, where he thought them insecure.

The friends of the bank in their desperation took the ground that the Treasury was not an executive department, and therefore its Secretary was not removable at the pleasure of the President. Mr. Tilden's argument1 is a model State paper, and might have come from the pen of any member of the President's cabinet without prejudice to his reputation.

In a letter to his father dated 22d of March, 1834, he shows that he was also taking a lively interest in the New York municipal election then approaching, which resulted in the choice of Cornelius W. Lawrence for mayor.

"The money market is becoming easier; stocks have risen considerably, especially those which possess only a nominal value. Exchange (foreign) is going up; some bills sold yesterday, I understand, at 100. The panic has nearly spent itself; the effects of the cash-duty system are mostly over; and, above all, business is assimilated to the present condition of things. If nothing unusual occurs, I see no reason to doubt that three months hence will find everything quiet and prosperous. The charter election. will be fierce beyond parallel. The combinations — the machinery which the opposition are putting into action — are wonderful. They will no doubt gain much from the infuriation of many of the merchants, and the aid of many who have not heretofore engaged actively in politics. I

1. Writings and Speeches," etc., Vol. I. p. 28.

cannot think the nomination of Lawrence the most judicious; for I have observed that negative men, men who are not particularly identified with principles or measures obnoxious to any part of the community, succeed best. I am not confident, however, that a better selection could be made. The opposition are raising enormous sums for the election. expenses. Some time ago they had obtained $20,000, and have now, no doubt, increased that sum.

"I know of one firm, not doing more than an average business, who were taxed (and this was a proportionate assessment, as it was regularly taxed) and paid $50. Some pay many times that amount.

"These things, and, what is more important, the feelings which produce them, must have a great effect. On the other hand, I rely much upon a radical and deeply seated hostility to the bank which I believe to exist among the middle and lower classes. Among the counter influences will be the reaction of an attempt (and there is abundant reason to believe a very general, if not concentrated, attempt) to intimidate and coerce the mechanics and laboring classes.

"We of the country can hardly conceive of such a thing, but one acquainted with the structure of New York society can readily account for it. I do not expect it to be so indignantly and overwhelmingly resisted here as it would. be in the country; some men even think the influence will be greater than the reaction, but, judging from human nature as it exists everywhere, and relying upon feelings so deeply implanted in the human heart that, however they may be modified by circumstances, they cannot be eradicated, I think that all that is wanted to ensure for us decisive benefit is perseverance on the part of those who are attempting this high-handed and daring invasion of the right of suffrage and the freedom of opinion.

"[Gideon] Lee, who would probably have been a stronger man than Lawrence, would have been nominated if he would have accepted. The opposition tried to induce him to receive a nomination from them, but he refused, saying that all his political consequence had been acquired at Tammany Hall, and that he would stay there; that he was in the same boat with Jackson and Van Buren, and he would sink or swim with them. As a matter of prudence. and safety, he afterwards declined any nomination. It is

well understood that Old Nick has his screws upon him. His partner is a United States Bank director, and their firm are supposed to have a rather larger discount account with. the bank than, in the present state of their affairs (the leather business having suffered much more severely than any other), it would be convenient to close.

1

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"I have it as a profound secret that the also is upon the rack, ready to be broken at any time Old Nick may turn the wheel. Mumford left it encumbered with a load of debt, but the establishment must be in a prosperous condition, as it has been wholly supported by its collections. Efforts were making on Saturday (with what success I have not learned) to get it in the hands of some one in whom the party have confidence, and to relieve it of its debts. As usual, the opposition are sure of success. Nevertheless, I think that Lawrence will be elected, by from two thousand to four thousand majority.

"The late news from Virginia is of the most favorable kind. The election of Bouldin was a great triumph. Now that Webster has introduced his bill, and the nullifiers must declare themselves, and especially that the appearances in Virginia are so threatening to them, the nullifiers are going back. The opposition in the House are broken -they cannot now depend upon the Southern members. The prospect is very fair that we shall prevail in Virginia, and that Rives will be returned to the Senate. That would be a most glorious triumph."

About this time young Tilden's nerve was subjected to an unusual and severe test. The Mr. Huntington referred to in the following letter was a merchant of about thirty-five years of age, who was boarding with Mr. Tilden's aunt, and who died there of small-pox, the result apparently of a false diagnosis of his case by his physicians. Two of the servants in the house also died soon after.

Young Tilden was the only person who slept in the house the night following Mr. Huntington's death; the rest of the boarders and servants having fled.

'Nicholas Biddle, President of the United States Bank.

"DEAR FATHER:

TILDEN TO HIS FATHER.

"NEW YORK, 29th April, 1834.

"Mr. Huntington died last evening at about ten, and was buried at about the same hour this morning. For two or three days previous to his death he was most of the time delirious. The disease passed its crisis on Monday; and the question to be determined was whether his system retained sufficient vigor to re-collect its shattered energies and resume its usual functions. He received food yesterday with reluctance, difficulty, and consequently, I suppose, in small quantities, and, unsustained at this critical moment, nature yielded.

"I doubt whether if he had been able to receive nutriment, it would have availed more than to prolong for a very short time his suffering; for I can hardly conceive how even a vigorous constitution could disencumber itself of such a mass of disease as he is represented to have been. The error was in the commencement of the disease, when it was considered by him and by his physician as a fever resulting from a cold; and, fatally for him, treated as such."

"After its character became apparent, the treatment was for the most part analogous to that of Doctor Younglove. Through the whole of his sickness he never saw one of his relations. His brother, living in this city, considered the disease as rather troublesome than dangerous. His father, deceived till quite lately by flattering representations, arrived this morning, but not until his coffin had closed upon him forever. I cannot sympathize very much, however, with the reasons which kept them from him. His appearance was represented to have been appalling beyond conception. There is reason to believe from what fell from him in his lucid intervals that he was aware of the change he approached, and met it with fortitude and with hope.

Things look rather squally in Virginia. I very much fear that there will not be a majority of the Legislature friendly to Rives. The opposition claim large majorities. Ritchie claims a tie, or nearly so. We have lost several important men — Hugh A. Garland, author of the Virginia