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now that you have shown me my mistake, I will draw out my money and go on checking as I did before." "Well, in your case that will not work," said the banker. No, it won't work. The very people who tell you that money is not as important as it used to be are the ones who regard money as just as important as it ever was if you owe them and cannot pay.

The visit at Raleigh ended with a banquet at the Park Hotel. Among the old acquaintances met at Raleigh were ex-Governor Carr, who was the State executive at the time of my former visit, and Congressman Alexander.

The next day began with a meeting at Goldsboro. The New York State Convention had just adopted its platform, and I took occasion to refer to it, saying:

Goldsboro Speech.

Sometimes we are accused of raising a sectional issue. One of the best evidences that the platform adopted at Chicago does not raise a sectional issue is found in the language of the platform adopted yesterday in New York. Read it. After unreservedly endorsing the platform and the candidates of the Chicago convention, it declares as its deliberate judgment that never in the history of the Democratic party has a platform been written that embodies more completely the interests of the whole people, as distinguished from those who seek legislation for private benefit, than that given to the country by the Democratic National Convention of 1896. There, within the shadow of Wall street, there, against the combined opposition of those who were once the leading Democrats of New York, the Democracy of New York declares the Chicago platform to be the most Democratic platform ever put before the country. In the State of Connecticut the Democrats have endorsed our platform as they have also in the States of Pennsylvania and New Jersey. In these and other Eastern States the Democracy is beginning to realize that the Democratic platform speaks for the American people upon the great issues.

The fusion, for a while doubtful in North Carolina, was finally consummated. I expressed my gratification and, among other things,


In this campaign we are fighting together instead of fighting among ourselves. I remember that a few years ago a Populist in Congress stated that the small burros that run wild upon the prairies of South America form a group, when attacked by a ferocious animal, and, putting their heads together and their feet on the outside of the circle, protect themselves from the enemy. But he added that the advocates of reforms sometimes showed less discretion, and, turning their heads toward the enemy, kicked each other. It is often the case that those who are fighting for reform interfere with each other, and counteract each other's work because they cannot entirely agree. In this campaign those who believe in the free coinage of silver have joined together, regardless of differences of opinion upon other subjects. Democrats who believe in tariff reform and Republicans who believe in protection are able to come together when both recognize that the money question is the para

mount issue. A Populist leader of this State well expressed the idea when he said, "While I believe in Populist doctrines, and, among other things, in the Government ownership of railroads, I do not want the Government to own the railroads so long as Rothschild owns the Government." It is this willingness to lay aside minor differences in hours of danger that gives us the surest proof that our people are able to rise to the requirements of any emergency.

There were meetings at several other places, the tour of the State ending at Rocky Mount, where I met ex-Congressman Bunn, another colleague in the House.

The tour through North Carolina was very well arranged, and in its management there was perfect harmony between the leading Democrats, Populists and silver Republicans.

This State is credited with the largest contribution to my assortment of rabbits' feet. Total number received nearly thirty-North Carolina's quota about ten. The first foot was presented to me as I left the Chicago convention, just after my speech in support of the platform, donor unknown. These were all declared to be of the "left hind foot" variety, but even with the aid of horseshoes and four-leaf clover stalks, they were impotent to secure for me the Presidency.

Our party entered Virginia on the afternoon of the 18th, and after a short stop at Petersburg, where I met Hon. Mann Page, whose name was discussed as a Vice-Presidential candidate in the Populist convention, reached Richmond for an evening meeting. I was driven from the depot to the home of Hon. J. Taylor Ellyson, chairman of the State committee, where Senator Daniel and Senator Martin were also guests.

The meeting at Richmond was held in the Auditorium, which was packed to its fullest capacity. I was glad to speak in Virginia, not because campaigning there was necessary, but because, it being the birthplace of my father, I had from my boyhood heard much of Virginia hospitality. Then, too, I was glad to be among the constituents of Senator Daniel, who has contributed so much of eloquence and learning to the cause of bimetallism. His speech delivered during the first session of the Fifty-fourth Congress was an unanswerable argument in favor of the money of the Constitution. He presided at the Richmond meeting, and in his introduction made use of a figure which was afterward illustrated in some of our silver papers. He said: "We love him most because he has rolled away the stone from the golden sepulchre in which Democracy was buried."

The day ended with a meeting in front of the Jefferson Hotel, where I spoke briefly and Senator Daniel spoke more at length. Early the next morning we took the train for Fredericksburg, passing through the country in which both Patrick Henry and Henry Clay were born. The visit to Fredericksburg is remembered with much pleasure. I was entertained at the home of Mayor White, and there met another colleague, Congressman W. A. Jones, of that district. Below will be found a portion of my Fredericksburg speech:

Fredericksburg, Va. The Mary Washington Monument.

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: Fredericksburg is not a large city and yet it is rich in incidents of great historic value. Here the women of America have reared a monument to Mary the mother of Washington. I am glad to stand on this spot; I am glad to feel the influences which surround her grave. In a campaign, especially in a campaign like this, there is much of bitterness, and sometimes of abuse spoken against the candidates for public office, but, my friends, there is one character, the mother-a candidate for the affections of all mankind—against whom no true man ever uttered a word of abuse. There is one name, mother, which is never found upon the tongue of the slanderer-in her presence all criticism is silenced. The painter has, with his brush, transferred the landscape to the canvas with such fidelity that the trees and grasses seem almost real; he has even made the face of a maiden seem instinct with life, but there is one picture so beautiful that no painter has ever been able to perfectly reproduce it, and that is the picture of the mother holding in her arms her babe. Within the shadow of this monument, reared to the memory of her who in her love and loyalty represents the mother of each one of us, I bow in humble reverence to motherhood.

I am told that in this county were fought more battles than in any county of like size in the world, and that upon the earth within the limits of this county there fell more dead and wounded than ever fell on a similar space in all the history of the world. Here opposing lines were drawn up face to face; here opposing armies met and stared at each other and then sought to take each other's lives. But all these scenes have passed away and those who once met in deadly array now meet and commingle here as friends. Here the swords have been turned into plowshares, here the spears have been converted into pruning hooks, and people learn war no more. Here the bands on either side once stirred up the flagging zeal with notes that thrilled the hearts of men. These two bands are now component parts of one great band, and as that band marches on in the lead playing "Yankee Doodle" and "Dixie" too, the warscarred veterans who wore the blue and the war-scarred veterans who wore the gray follow, side by side, each vying with the other in the effort to make this the greatest and the best of all the nations on God's footstool.

I am glad to visit this historic place. They say that here George Washington once threw a silver dollar across the river; but remember, my friends, that when he threw that silver dollar across the river it fell and remained on American soil. They thought that it was a great feat then, but we have devel

oped so rapidly in the last hundred years that we have financiers who can leave George Washington's achievement far behind. We have financiers who have been able to throw gold dollars all the way across the Atlantic, and then bring them back by an issue of bonds.

Would you believe, my friends, that a silver dollar which was good enough to be handled by the father of his country is so mean a thing as to excite the contempt of many of our so-called financiers? Well, it is. It is so mean that they do not like it. Why, our opponents tell us that they want a dollar that will go all over the world. We have had dollars which have gone over the world so rapidly that we want a dollar that will stay at home without a curfew law.

Our opponents tell us that they want a dollar which they can see anywhere in the world if they travel abroad. I am not so much worried about our dollars which travel abroad. I want a dollar that will not be ashamed to look a farmer in the face.

During the speech here a gentleman in the audience, in an outburst of enthusiasm, shouted:, "Bryan, I am not a Christian, but I am praying for you." This gave me an opportunity to suggest that the people of that community had an additional reason for desiring my election, because, if they could convince the gentleman of the efficacy of prayer, they might make a Christian out of him.

The Washington committee took our party in charge at Fredericksburg, and landed us safely at the nation's capital about the middle of the afternoon.




HE Washington meeting was held September 19th, the one hundredth anniversary of Washington's farewell address.

Hon. James L. Norris, Hon. Lawrence Gardner, and other prominent Democrats residing in Washington had exerted themselves to make this meeting a success, but a storm of rain and wind, the most severe of the campaign, was a serious embarrassment. I give below my speech at this place:

Washington Speech.

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: I am grateful to you for the very cordial welcome which you extend to me as I return to the city in which four years of official life were spent. I see before me the faces of a great many who are young men, and I am glad to speak to the young, because we who are young, and who in the course of nature must live under our Government for many years, are especially interested in making that government good enough to live under.

I desire to call your attention to two planks in the platform adopted at Chicago, before touching on other matters connected with the campaign. I speak of these two planks because they directly concern the people who live in the District of Columbia. The Chicago platform contains this plank: "We favor the admission of the Territories of New Mexico, Oklahoma and Arizona into the Union as States. We favor the early admission of all the Territories having the necessary population and resources to be entitled to Statehood; and while they remain Territories we hold that the officials appointed to administer the government of any Territory, together with the District of Columbia and Alaska, should be bona fide residents of the Territory or District in which the duties are to be performed. The Democratic party believes in home rule and that the public lands should be kept for honest settlers and not to feed the rapacity of corporations."

I desire to emphasize these words: "The Democratic party believes in home rule." I believe in the platform, in that plank of the platform and in that portion of the plank which I have emphasized. When I say I believe in home rule, I do not mean that officials appointed shall have a home in the District and in the Territories after they commence to rule, but that they shall have lived there before their appointment to office.

Let me read another plank: "We are opposed to life tenure in the public service. We favor appointments based upon merit, fixed terms of office, and such an administration of the civil service law as shall afford equal opportuni

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