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argument will extend and the circles, ever widening, will at last reach all who desire to study this question.

But there is another thing that you can do. I ask all the clubs, of whatever name, composed of members who believe in the restoration of bimetallism by this nation alone, to meet at the polling places on election morning, and give the entire day to work for their country. More than that; we are not able to furnish the funds necessary to hire carriages to bring in those who are unable to, walk. I believe that fewer carriages will be needed this year than ordinarily, because more people will be anxious to go to the polls this year than ever before. But I ask you to furnish conveyances when you meet at the polls. Furnish carriages, or buggies, or wagons, or carts, or anything that you have; if you give what you have, you have given as generously as those who give much.

I beg, too, that each one of you will consider himself appointed a missionary, so that, from now until election day, no moment will be lost; every moment should be employed in bringing our cause to the attention of others.

More than that, I want you, when you leave here, to carry with you the word that we do not want any employer of labor to ttempt to interfere with his men or to try to make them vote for our ticket against their will. As the presidential nomince of the triple alliance, I want to say to you, my friends, that I do not desire the involuntary support of any citizen in this nation. We appeal to the people, we submit our cause to the judgment of the people, and if I am elected I want to feel that behind me I have a majority of these people, and then, so help me God, I will carry out that platform to the letter.

Be not terrified by abuse, be not discouraged by epithets. No matter what names they may call you, if you are conscious that you are doing your duty, you have more support than you would have if all the world applauded you and your own conscience condemned. Abuse has always been the lot of those who fought against entrenched privilege. If you become annoyed, turn back to the pages of history, and for every name that is applied to you, you will find one equally severe applied to Jefferson-for every name applied to you, you will find one equally severe applied to Jackson. Ah, my friends, I might come nearer than that. That great spirit yonder (pointing to a picture of Lincoln) was as bitterly attacked by the aristocracy of wealth and would be as unpopular today among the financiers of New York or Boston as Jackson or Jefferson was in his day. Any man who believes that the people ought to stand equal before the law will be abused by those who desire favoritism in legislation and special privileges from government.

Be not terrified. Do your duty as you see it. I believe that we shall triumph. I believe, that as surely as tomorrow morning's sun shall rise, the day will come when bimetallism will be restored. Yes, the day will come when the money of the Constitution will again be ours; the day will come when trusts will be exterminated; the day will come when corporations will cease to consider themselves greater than the Government which created them; the day will come when the people of this country will be content to walk side by side, each one satisfied to enjoy life and liberty and the pursuit of happiness, without attempting to deprive his neighbor of equal opportunities and equal rights.

There is nothing, my friends, which so inspires as truth. Those who fight

with the consciousness that they are right, fight on with perfect confidence that, even if they themselves do not live to see the triumph of their cause, yet it will triumph after they are gone. If they die while the contest is still undecided, they die in the faith expressed by the poet as he wrote of one who fell upon the battlefield:

Yea, though thou lie upon the dust,

When they who helped thee flee in fear,

Die full of hope and manly trust

Like those who fell in battle here.

Another hand thy sword shall wield,

Another hand the standard wave,

Till from the trumpet's mouth is pealed

The blast of triumph o'er thy grave.

The National Association of Democratic Clubs, under the very efficient management of the president and secretary, did splendid work during the campaign, and deserves honorable mention.




Y this time I felt the need of rest, and Sunday, October 4th, was spent in an endeavor to obtain it. In the evening the Mem

phis committee took our party in charge and landed us in that city in time for breakfast. The meeting here was held outdoors, and was largely attended. I took advantage of the occasion to say a word in behalf of Hon. E. W. Carmack, the Democratic candidate for Congress in that district, who, both when editor of the Commercial Appeal, and afterwards upon the stump, has done splendid work in behalf of bimetallism. Senator Isham G. Harris, to whose labors as a member of the Democratic National Silver Committee I have already referred, presided at the meeting, and there were upon the platform many who had taken an active part in the movement which resulted in the capture of the Chicago convention.

From Memphis we proceeded to Nashville, by way of McKenzie, stopping for a short time at the principal towns along the way.

The reception at Nashville was a very cordial one. Three outdoor meetings had been provided for, the first-a very large one-in the market square. This meeting is remembered especially because of the excellent rendition of "Home, Sweet Home" by a male glee club.

The third meeting of the evening was held under the auspices of the Populist committee, and was presided over by Prof. A. L. Mimms, the Populist candidate for Governor. The speech here was brief, and I referred to the fact that they had two electoral tickets and explained that, where such was the case, I was running against myself. The Populists afterward withdrew their electoral ticket and supported ours. The evening ended with a banquet at the Nicholson House, where a number of the leading bimetallists of the city were assembled. Sixteen young ladies from Belmont College waited on the table, and each presented a flower to the guest of the evening. Among the mementos of the occasion I carried away a hickory stick, taken from the Hermitage.

Here I met Hon. J. W. Gaines, candidate for Congress, Col. Colyer, a veteran bimetallist, ex-Congressman Enloe, a former colleague, and many others with whom I became acquainted when, just after

the adjournment of the Fifty-Third Congress, I delivered a lecture in that city. Here, too, I parted with my faithful McMillan, who had almost exhausted himself in his efforts to save me from exhaustion. Hon. John W. Tomlinson, of Birmingham, Alabama, one of the Democratic National Silver Committee, and a delegate to the Chicago convention, joined me at this point, and accompanied me for more than two weeks.

Our party left Nashville about midnight, and entered Indiana at Jeffersonville, early in the morning. Here Governor Matthews, Chairman Martin, of the State committee, National Committeeman Shanklin, and a number of others met us, and continued with us during the two days' trip through Indiana. Stops were made at all the important towns, among them New Albany, Scottsburg, Seymour, Columbus, and Franklin. Four meetings were held in Indianapolis, Governor Claude Matthews presiding at the principal ones. The first and largest gathering was in the Capitol grounds. Below will be found a portion of the speech delivered here:

Indianapolis Speech-At the Capitol.

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: It gives me great pleasure to visit Indianapolis. I recall that Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, a citizen of this city and State, and at that time a candidate for the Vice-Presidency, was the first great Democratic leader whom I ever saw, and such was my admiration for his life and character that my first political pilgrimage was made to this city to attend his funeral. Therefore I think of him on my return to this city, and I think of the principles for which he so ably contended. I am here today to advocate the principles which are democratic in the broadest sense of that term; when the fundamental principles of democracy are understood they are loved and respected by all, irrespective of name, who believe in a government of the people, by the people, and for the people.

This city enjoys the unique distinction of being the birthplace and the deathbed of a so-called party. I know that when I speak of this so-called party I am disobeying the Bible injunction-let the dead bury their dead. I speak of this so-called party as I would not speak of any bona fide organization of men because it occupies a peculiar place in history. It calls itself a national party, when it does not expect to carry a single county in the entire nation. It calls itself a Democratic party when it was organized for the express purpose of electing a Republican candidate for the Presidency. If it were big enough to justify the name, I would call it a stupendous fraud, but it is too small-I will call it a transparent fraud. It is the first political convention ever held in this country where the delegates nominated a ticket which they did not expect to vote for; and the first time when men ever received a nomination and did not want to be voted for.

The minority in the Chicago convention opposed free coinage on the ground that it would interfere with international bimetallism, toward which

they said the efforts of this government should be steadily directed, and when they failed to secure the adoption of that plank at Chicago they assembled in convention here and forgot to mention international bimetallism. There could be no clearer evidence of intended deception than is found in the fact that the minority at Chicago, when they at last reached a convention where they had things all their own way, repudiated the plank which they stood on there, and came out in favor of the gold standard instead of international bimetallism. My friends, I am willing to meet an open enemy in an open field, and concede to that enemy all the rights and privileges of honorable warfare, but when our opponents call themselves the advocates of sound money while they endeavor to fasten upon us an unsound financial system—when they call themselves the advocates of honest money and then deal dishonestly with the American people, they do not deserve to be treated like honorable enemies. I have no criticism to make of any man who, believing that the election of the Chicago ticket would injure this country, votes the Republican ticket, but, my friends, when I find a man who wants to elect the Republican ticket but has not the courage to bear the odium of advocating it, I have not so much respect for him. (A voice: "Bynum, Bynum.")

That reminds me what that distinguished citizen once said. (A voice: "Extinguished citizen.") A gentleman suggests that he is an extinguished citizen, but I will say distinguished citizen because he has a past whether he has any future or not. If you want to know what he said about the gold standard, listen while I read from his speech in Congress on silver in 1886:

Again, the advocates of gold approach us with open hands and smiling countenances but I fear with a dagger concealed beneath their cloaks.

Ah, my friends, he knew the nature of the animal before he began to associate with it. He is right in his description. The gold standard never fought an open fight. It carries the knife of the assassin and does its work behind the mask of the burglar. It is not an open enemy, never was and never will be.

I will also quote to you what Mr. Bynum quoted in that speech from Senator Ingalls. Now note the language quoted from Senator Ingalls:

No enduring fabric of national prosperity can be builded on gold. Gold is the money of monarchs; kings covet it, the exchanges are affected by it; its tendency is to accumulate in vast masses in the commercial centers and to move from kingdom to kingdom in such volumes as to unsettle values and disturb the finances of the world; it is the instrument of gamblers and speculators, and the idol of the miser and thief; being the object of so much adoration it becomes haughty and sensitive, and shrinks at the approach of danger, and whenever it is most needed it always disappears; at the slightest alarm it begins to look for refuge; it flies from the nation at war to the nation at peace; war makes it a fugitive; no people in a great emergency ever found a faithful ally in gold; it is the most cowardly and treacherous of all metals; it makes no treaty that it does not break, it has no friend whom it does not sooner or later betray. Armies and navies are not maintained by gold; in times of panic and calamity, shipwreck and disaster, it becomes the chief agent and minister of ruin, no nation ever fought a great war by the aid of gold; on the contrary, in the crises of greatest peril it becomes an enemy more potent than the foe in the field, but when the battle is won and peace has been secured, gold reappears and claims the fruits of victory.

My friends, these are the words of the distinguished Senator. Mr. Bynum once quoted them and the words are true. Gold is arrogant and tyrannical in time

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