souvenirs of the campaign. We closed the meetings of the day at Zanesville, where I addressed three audiences between 12:30 and 2 o'clock A. M.

We went to Bellaire in the night and Tuesday proceeded north. along the Ohio River, stopping, among other places at Steubenville, East Liverpool, Rochester, Penn, Youngstown, Alliance, Ravenna, Akron, Medina, Elyria, Sandusky and Tiffin. At East Liverpool we met ex-Congressman Ikert and his wife, who remained with us during most of the day.

The largest crowd was probably at Youngstown. The Sandusky meeting was held after midnight.

Our train was delayed somewhat in leaving Sandusky, and as I was trying to snatch a little sleep between meetings, my dreams were disturbed by such dialogues as the following:

"Bryan! Bryan! Get up! Let us see you! You will lose a hundred votes if you don't."

"No, Jim, make it fifty."

The day's campaign closed with the Tiffin meeting, at which I spoke between the hours of 1 and 2 A. M.

Traveling by night we reached Greenville, and held an early morning meeting there-the last of the Ohio meetings.

At this place I met a number of acquaintances, it being the place where I delivered my first lecture after the adjournment of the FiftyThird Congress.

The tour through Ohio had been so managed as to carry me into nearly all of the Congressional districts. Hon. D. McCanville, who was in charge of the Speaker's Bureau of the National Committee, was in charge of the party and was assisted by Chairman Durbin, both of whom were untiring in their efforts to add to the comfort of the party. In going from place to place we met most of the prominent Democrats, Populists and silver Republicans. From Ohio on the yellow ribbons were conspicuous at nearly every meeting. They were generally distributed free on the morning of our meeting, as we learned, but as a rule those who wore them were orderly and made no attempt to interfere with or disturb meetings.

From Greenville we crossed over into Indiana and spent two days in that State. Beginning at Richmond, we made short stops at Rushville, Newcastle, Muncie, Anderson, Marion, Bluffton and Ft. Wayne. Next to Ft. Wayne, the Anderson meeting was the largest. At that place there were a large number of college stu

There were

dents present from Prof. Croan's Normal School. three meetings at Ft. Wayne, the first outdoors, and the others in large halls. The principal speech was made at the second meeting, and here, as on several other occasions, I commended the work done by Senator Teller, Senator Dubois, Congressman Towne, and others who had left the Republican party and openly joined with us during the campaign.

Friday found us visiting a large number of cities, among which may be named Decatur, Huntington, Rochester, Peru, Logansport, Delphi, Frankfort, La Fayette, Crawfordsville, Greencastle, Brazil and Terre Haute. A photograph taken at Rochester gives such a good view of the crowd that I thought it worthy of reproduction. It will be found on another page.

A very large crowd was assembled at La Fayette, where I spoke from three sides of the court house.

At Greencastle I met Hon. John Clark Ridpath, the fusion candidate for Congress. Mr. Ridpath has written some very severe criticisms of the gold standard, and is so distinguished a scholar that his words carry great weight.

The Brazil meeting was both large and enthusiastic. We ended our campaign in Indiana at Terre Haute, where two large outdoor meetings were held. The arrangements here were excellent, the Democratic clubs marching as an escort and opening the way.

During this trip through Indiana Governor Matthews and Mr. Martin were with us. I cannot too emphatically express my appreciation of their zeal for, and fidelity to, the cause.

CHAPTER XLVI.

T

IN THE SUCKER STATE.

HE first Illinois meeting was held at Danville, where I quoted Congressman Joseph Cannon in opposition to the gold standard. Returning to Paris, we made a brief stop there and then went on through Charleston, Mattoon and Sullivan, to Decatur, where two meetings were held. Here the Reception Committee took us through the streets in a motor-cycle.

The next stop was at Springfield, where an immense crowd had assembled. There were two meetings here, one in the Court House Square, and one in the Capitol grounds. Springfield plays, in my judgment, an important part in the contest which is being waged for the restoration of the money of the Constitution. The Illinois convention of June, 1895, exerted a potent influence in the struggle for supremacy in the Democratic National Convention.

Passing through Petersburg, Havana and Pekin, we closed the first day in Peoria. This was the next day after Mr. Carlisle had been egged at Covington, and at Peoria I mentioned the matter, and said:

Peoria Speech.

I want to say that I condemn the disturbance at Mr. Carlisle's meeting as much as any disturbance offered at any silver meeting. Let each individual remember that no disgrace can be heaped by him upon any other person. A man cannot be disgraced by another. The man disgraces himself when disgrace comes, and those who attempt to offer indignity to another injure themselves far more than they do the object of their attacks.

I know that in this campaign there has been resentment toward many who in the past advocated one doctrine, but who now advocate another doctrine. I know that these changes may have been made without sufficient reason or excuse being given to the public, but, my friends, leave these men to history. History is just; if they have done wrong, they shall be punished. If they are right, we should not punish them.

We met a number of prominent silver advocates that day, among them ex-Congressman McNeeley, of Petersburg, Postmaster Ridgely, of Springfield, and Editor Barnes of the Peoria Journal, who was, until after the St. Louis convention, a Republican.

During the night we went to Ottawa and began Saturday's work

at that place. At La Salle, I replied to some criticisms directed. against me by ex-President Harrison and Mr. Ingalls, president of the Big Four railway system. My remarks will be found below:

La Salle Speech.

Two distinguished men have called me to account because of advice which I gave to railroad employes. In speaking of the attempt of the railroads to coerce their employes I said that in these hard times, when employment is so difficult to find, I did not want to advise laboring men to do anything which would lose them their employment, and added that they should wear Republican buttons if necessary, march in Republican parades if they were commanded to do so, and even contribute to the Republican campaign fund if that was required by their employers, but that they should vote according to their convictions on election day. Mr. Ingalls, the president of a railroad, in a speech at Cincinnati denounced me for advising employes to deceive their employers, and ex-President Harrison has charged me with teaching immorality in giving the advice which I have quoted.

Now, I desire to justify my position. The right to vote according to one's conscience is a law-given right. Coercion is a violation of law, and when I advise employes to vote as they please, even though they must wear Republican buttons and march in Republican parades, I am taking higher moral ground and giving more patriotic advice than those who countenance coercion and appeal to employes to vote the Republican ticket on election day merely because they have been compelled to wear Republican badges during the campaign.

When a man criticises me for advising employes to express their honest convictions at the ballot box, I ask what such people think of the Australian ballot. The Australian ballot is a secret ballot and we have adopted it in this country in order to protect American citizens in the right to vote according to conscience without being subjected to discharge or persecution. When Mr. Harrison and Mr. Ingalls condemn me for telling employes to vote as they please they virtually condemn the Australian ballot; in fact, they condemn all secret ballots and tell the citizen he ought to announce in advance how he is going to vote.

There are some who can announce their position in advance, and when a citizen is in a position to act with independence I am glad to see him do so; but when an employer violates the rights of his employes by demanding that they march in parades or wear certain badges, the employe has a right to take advantage of the secret ballot. I am willing to let the public sit in judgment upon the advice which I have given to employes if Mr. Ingalls and Mr. Harrison are willing to submit their advice to the public.

We found a large crowd assembled at-I was about to say Mr. Ladd's town-the name of Hon. C. K. Ladd being in my mind so closely connected with Kewanee.

Rock Island and Moline arranged for a joint meeting at the halfway point between the two cities. Vice-President Stevenson spoke

here with me, and then went with us to Quincy and spoke there that night.

At Monmouth the ladies had charge of the meeting, which was held at the Fair grounds. The morning papers of the previous day had published an interview with Bishop Worthington, of Omaha, and at the Monmouth meeting I referred to his sentiments, using the following language:

Monmouth Speech.

I want to call your attention to an interview which appears in a Chicago paper of yesterday. It is a dispatch from New York giving an interview with Bishop Worthington of Omaha. When it was suggested to the Bishop that the farmers throughout the country were not in as prosperous a condition as they had been in the past, Bishop Worthington said:

The trouble with the farmer, in my judgment, is that we have carried our free educational system too far. The farmers' sons, a great many of them, who have absolutely no ability to rise, get a taste of education and follow it up. They will never amount to anything, that is, many of them, and they become disqualified to follow in the walk of life that God intended they should, and drift into the cities. It is overeducation of those who are not qualified to receive it that fills our cities while the farms lie idle.

I hope it may prove that those words were not uttered by Bishop Worthington, because I hate to think that any man used words like those that I have read. To talk about the over-education of our farmers' sons and to attribute the difficulties which surround us today to that is, to my mind, one of the most cruel things that a man ever uttered. The idea of saying that there is over-education among our farmers' sons! Do you know what that language means? It means a reversal of the progress of civilization and a march towards the dark ages again. Now, can you tell me which one of the farmers' sons is going to prove a great man until you have educated them all? Are we to select a commission to go around and pick out the ones who are to be educated?

Ah! my friends, there is another reason why people have gone into the citites and left the farms. It is because your legislation has been causing the foreclosure of mortgages upon the farms. It is because your legislation has been making the farmer's life harder all the time; it is because the non-producing class have been producing the laws. The idea of laying the blame of the present distress to the farmer's door! The idea of suggesting as a remedy the closing of schools in order that the pupil may not become dissatisfied! Why, my friends, there will be dissatisfaction while the cause for dissatisfaction exists. Instead of attempting to prevent people realizing their position, why don't they try to improve the condition of the farmers of this country? I cannot understand how a man living upon a farm can be deluded with the idea that the gold standard has anything but misery and suffering for him. Haven't you independence enough to leave your party in order to save your homes and your families from the gold standard?

Politics is a matter of business, but there are times when politics involves more than business, and in this campaign, when we are to determine the financial policy of the nation for four years at least, and may be for a longer time, this question rises beyond the plane of a mere business question. This question