There he tells you that Grover Cleveland has simply carried out the policy of the Republican party and inferentially tells you that in case of Republican success the Republican party for four years will carry out the policy of Grover Cleveland.

This administration has issued $262,000,000 in bonds to maintain the gold standard for three years, and Mr. McKinley praises Mr. Cleveland for having maintained the gold standard. When Mr. McKinley says that Mr. Cleveland has maintained Republican doctrine and praises Mr. Cleveland, you have reason to believe that if Mr. McKinley is elected he will go on issuing bonds for the benefit of the bondholders and taxing the people to pay for them.

My friends, these are strange times. You will not find in our political history another instance where a president has been thrown overboard by his own party only to be caught up and idolized by the opposing party. Yet that is what you find today. The only people who are commending the financial policy of Grover Cleveland are the men who are trying to elect a Republican President to continue that policy for four years more. Are you surprised when you find that the policy inaugurated at St. Louis and reiterated by the Republican candidate, is driving out of the Republican party those who still believe in a government of the people, by the people and for the people?

I have been introduced this morning to Republicans who until this year voted the Republican ticket, but who this year are joining with us to restore the money of the Constitution. I am proud of the kind of men who are coming

to us.

From Bloomington we went to Chicago, stopping at Pontiac, Dwight, Braidwood, Joliet and Lamont. At Braidwood the audience. was largely composed of miners, and I repeated what I had said on other occasions, that in a test of endurance the farmer can stand the gold standard longer than the laboring man can. If his farm is foreclosed, he can become a tenant, because those who hold mortgages would not, as a rule, care about cultivating the farms themselves. So far as food is concerned the farmer can supply his absolute needs from the farm, and if it becomes necessary, his wife and daughters can again make the clothing for the family, but the laboring man loses his means of subsistence when he loses his work. The farmer has a double chance, while the miner has scarcely one. the farmer cannot afford to buy coal, he can burn corn, but the miner cannot eat coal.

If corn gets so cheap that

The meetings at Joliet and Pontiac were both largely attended. We reached Chicago about four o'clock.

During the trip through Illinois we were joined from time to time by persons who were speaking for silver, among them Hon. Alfred Orendorf, of Springfield, Judge William Prentiss and Judge Shackelford, of Chicago, Hon. Free P. Morris, of Watseka, and Hon. W. H. Green, of Cairo.

At Peoria Mr. Tomlinson left us. By his unassuming ways and genial manner, as well as by his tact and good judgment, he had attached himself to all of the members of the party and we were sorry to part with him. His place was taken by an old Jacksonville friend, Mr. M. F. Dunlap, who stayed with us until we reached Chicago. Mr. Dunlap was the best timekeeper I found on the trip. He always pulled my coat when my time was up and thus enabled us to reach Chicago according to schedule. Messrs. Cantrell and Bentley, who were with us through Southern Illinois, again had charge of our train. They are both large men and were able to make a way through any crowd. Bentley's county, Pike, gave a largely increased majority, which, I believe, was due in part to his exertions, although Mrs. Bryan claims some credit for the increase, owing to the fact that it was her early home.

CHAPTER XLVII.

T

THE CHICAGO CAMPAIGN.

HE Chicago campaign covered three days. Immediately upon our arrival, Tuesday afternoon, a reception was given at Bat

tery D, in which all the organizations, ward clubs, and friendly labor organizations participated. Just after Hon. Alexander J. Jones had delivered an address of welcome, Mr. M. Shapiro, on behalf of the Hebrew Democrats, presented me a beautiful badge, one of the handsomest received during the campaign. Replying to the address of welcome and to the presentation, I said:

Chicago Speech-Second Reception.

Mr. Chairman and Fellow-Citizens: I came to Chicago as I started on my way to New York to open this campaign and I return to your city to take part in the closing exercises of the campaign. I have witnessed today a scene which impresses me very much and which leads me to believe that the great city of the West, which rests upon the prosperity of the masses and cannot prosper unless they prosper, will cast its influence one week from today on the side of an American financial policy for the American people. I beg to express my deep gratitude to the organizations which participated in this welcome. But I am not vain enough to believe that any part of the extraordinary enthusiasm which I have witnessed between the Miss uri River and the Atlantic Ocean is intended as a personal tribute. In this great contest it is the principles for which the candidate stands, and not the candidate himself, that has called forth this demonstration.

There is only one thing for which I claim any credit. I believe that you, and others who have expressed themselves as you have, have confidence that I will carry out the pledges which I have made during this campaign. It is simply your confidence that I will do what I have promised to do and carry out the ideas for which I stand in this campaign, that is personal. But, my friends, what credit is it to a man to be what he seems to be? If I were other than true to the principles which I have advocated, I would be beneath the contempt of those whose suffrages I ask.

I do believe that in this campaign a great question is to be determined for the present at least. I do believe that the settlement of that great question affects every man, woman and child in this land, and when I see the people stirred as they have seldom been stirred before, I believe that they appreciate the responsibilities of citizenship, and that they intend that their ballots shall be cast for that financial system which they believe to be best for themselves, for their neighbors and for their country.

I appreciate, too, the kindly feeling which has prompted the presentation of this badge by the Hebrew Democrats. Our opponents have sometimes tried to make it appear that we were attacking a race when we denounced the financial policy advocated by the Rothschilds. But we are not; we are as much opposed to the financial policy of J. Pierpont Morgan as we are to the financial policy of the Rothschilds. We are not attacking a race; we are attacking greed and avarice, which know neither race nor religion. I do not know of any class of our people who, by reason of their history, can better sympathize with the struggling masses in this campaign than can the Hebrew race.

The Bible tells us that when the children of Israel were in bondage and asked for a lightening of their burdens, the Pharaoh of their time said that they were idle, and recommended more work. He compelled them to make bricks without straw. Pharaoh has been the same in all ages. No matter to what race he belongs, no matter when or where he lives, Pharaoh lives on the toil of others and always wants to silence complaint by making the load heavier.

In presenting this badge my Hebrew friends have referred to David and Goliath. Whenever we have a great contest in which right is arrayed against might, the contest between David and Goliath is always cited to give inspiration to those who fight for the truth. David conquered, not because he was stronger, but because he was on the right side; and if in this contest I am likened to David, let me reply that as David triumphed because he was right, so my only hope of victory is in the righteousness of my cause.

I may be wrong-I have never claimed infallibility-but when I examine a question and reach a conclusion, I am willing to stand by what I believe, I care not what may happen. In this struggle for the restoration of bimetallism there was a time when I had less company than I have now.

Some of the Chicago papers have called me a demagogue. If there is one thing which I am not, it is a demagogue. A demagogue is a man who advocates a thing which he does not believe in order to conciliate those who differ from him. A demagogue is a man who is willing to advocate anything, whether he believes it or not, which will be advantageous to him and gain him popularity. Now, my friends, I have never advocated, during my public life, a single thing which I did not myself believe. I have proven my willingness to go down in defeat when I was in a minority rather than surrender my convictions, and I have always been willing to accept defeat when it came. I say this here because in this city most of the papers are against us, and I must defend myself.

If there is anybody in this city who believes that the free coinage of silver will be injurious to this country, he has a reason for voting against those who stand for free coinage, but I do not want any person who is in favor of the money of the Constitution to be deterred from voting for those who stand for that money by any abuse which our opponents may use against us between now and election day. I shall be in this city for a few days, and shall see as many of your people as it is possible to see in that time, and I shall defend before these people the principles for which I stand. And more than that, I am going to talk to the people themselves; I shall not go to the employers and bargain with them for the delivery of the votes of their employes. I have been taught

to believe that the ballot was given to the individual for his own use, and that the person who has the right to vote has also the ability to determine how he ought to vote. Therefore in this campaign I shall address my arguments to the individual voters, not to the head of a firm, or to the president of a corporation, or to the boss of a railroad.

Three political parties have declared that the money question is the paramount issue and the bolting Democrats-who are helping the Republican ticket without the courage to openly support it-have declared that this money question is the paramount issue. The leading Republicans also have admitted it, and yet when our opponents are driven to the wall on the money question and have failed in their attempt to defend themselves before the American people, they have attempted to turn the discussion off from the money question onto other questions; but I give them notice that for one week more they must face the money question.

In the past, the gold standard has gained every victory under cover and in the dark; and in this campaign the gold standard, having failed before the people, is seeking to secure its hold upon the American people under cover of the pretense that the nation is in danger if those who believe in the Chicago platform are successful.

I am willing to trust to the intelligence of the American people to decide whether this Government is safer in the hands of those who believe in the ability of the people to govern themselves, or in the hands of the trusts and syndicates which have been bleeding the people.

I am willing to let the American people decide whether our affairs are safer in the hands of those who believe in our form of government and who would, if necessary, die to perpetuate it, or whether it is safer in the hands of a few financiers who cannot think on the money question until they have cabled to London to find out what to think.

That evening meetings were held in some nine different places, the last one at Tattersall's, where floral devices were presented by the horseshoers and by the Hebrew organizations.

On the next day, the most important meeting of a series was held -namely, the business men's meeting at Battery D, at twelve o'clock. The speech delivered on that occasion will be found below:

Chicago Speech to Business Men.

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: I am glad that this meeting is presided over by one who until this time has been a Republican and by one who has been a soldier, because in this double character of ex-Republican and exsoldier, he illustrates the depth to which society is stirred by the issues now before us. As an ex-Republican, he stands as a representative of that large and increasing number of our citizens who are willing to break asunder party ties and leave party associates in order to make their party affiliations suit their convictions; and as a former soldier he stands as the representative of those, who, having willingly offered their services to make this nation one,