detail, and Mr. Richard V. Oulahan, of Washington, who acted in the same capacity for the United Associated Presses, were with me almost without interruption from the day of nomination up to November 5, and I feel greatly indebted to the two press associations for appointing such excellent fellows to accompany me. Besides Mr. Rose, for the Associated Press, I was accompanied to Lincoln by Mr. William E. Glenn, of the same association, and from Lincoln to New York by Mr. J. W. Cutright, who, after severing his connection with the Associated Press immediately after the Notification meeting, acted, for a time, as my private secretary. Among others from the Associated Press who assisted Mr. Rose were Mr. James D. Gibson, of Chicago; Mr. Thomas J. Dawson, of Washington, D. C.; Mr. Albert E. Hunt, of Philadelphia; Mr. S. D. Pine, Mr. F. E. Nevins and Miss N. E. Emerson, of St. Louis; Charles Roehrig and Murray J. Brady, of Chicago. Mr. Oulahan was assisted from time to time by Messrs. William Gibson, of New York, who went with us on the first trip from Chicago to Lincoln, Mr. Hayes, of Washington, Mr. James Abbott, of Chicago, and Mr. C. F. H. Pagan, of New York. All of these assistants were both agreeable and efficient, and I may add here that the reports given by both the associations were fair and impartial and quite complete when one remembers the large tax made upon telegraphic facilities by numerous meetings.

Among the special correspondents, the most constant in attendance upon our travels was Mr. Charles M. Pepper, of Chicago, representing the New York Herald, and who proved that an unfriendly critic could still be a very friendly man. The results of the election returns showed him to be the best calculator in our party. Mr. A. Maurice Low, of Boston, representing the Globe, of that city, ranks next to Mr. Pepper in distance traveled, and in congeniality was second to none. Both Mr. Low and Mr. Pepper have earned enviable reputations as special writers. Mr. Herbert J. Browne, of the New York Journal, came next in the length of service. He was one of the

best writers with our party. Julian Hawthorne, Esq., of the New York Journal, and James Creelman, Esq., then of the New York World, but now of the New York Journal, were with us about the same length of time. Their reports for their respective papers were marked features of the campaign. We are especially indebted to Mr. Hawthorne for his description of the trip to the Notification meeting and to Mr. Creelman for his report of the closing days of the campaign. Alfred Henry Lewis, Esq., also of the New York Journal, one of the

most original and picturesque of American writers, was with us during our southern trip, while Mr. Rudolph Block, and Mrs. Winfred Black, also of the New York Journal, were with us long enough to make their departure regretted. Mr. Albert J. Stofer, of the ScriptsRae League, is recalled as a representative who wrote well and sang as well as he wrote. My fondness for the watermelon was enhanced, if possible, by his rendition of "Dat Water Million Hangin' on De Vine." Mr. M. DeLipman, of the New York Journal, was the most noted artist who traveled with our party. Among those who were with us for a short time were Mr. Isaac Jennings Bryan, of the Chicago Tribune, Dr. William Shaw Bowen, of the New York World, Mr. M. J. Hutchens, of the New York World, William E. Lewis, of the New York Journal, Mr. Gibson, of the Philadelphia Herald, Mr. Chamberlain, of the New York Sun, Mr. Percy Walton, of the Evening Sun (N. Y.), Mr. Lloyd, of the New York Sun, Mr. James Faulkner, of the Cincinnati Enquirer, Mr. Tabor, of the Buffalo Times, Mr. Melbourne McDowell and Mr. Carl Smith, of the Chicago Record, Mr. Adams, of the Boston Herald, Mr. West, of the Washington Post, and Mr. Lowrie, of the Chicago Times-Herald. Mr. Irwin Thomas, of the New York Journal, who was with us from the date of the Notification meeting until we arrived in St. Louis on the third trip, was an easy first among the orators of the press, his reputation being firmly established in one speech at Erie, Pa.

I desire to record, not because it is strange, but because it deserves to be recorded, that while I talked freely with the members of our party, none of them violated my confidence, nor did any, so far as I recollect, make a serious error in quoting me. They were an honorable body of men and a credit to the high profession to which they belonged.

I cannot speak from my own observation of the National Silver party and People's party conventions, but some of the scenes enacted. in the Democratic convention are indelibly written upon my memory. There were more interesting incidents, I think, connected with this convention than with any recently held in the United States. The contest over the temporary chairmanship, the contest over credentials, the contest over the platform, and finally the contest over the nominations, were all exciting and contained enough of uncertainty to make. every session an interesting one. As for my own part, circumstances were more favorable than I could have planned. I was first sug

gested for the temporary chairmanship, but my name was ruled out when the National Committee recognized the gold delegates from our State, and permitted them to participate in the temporary organization. My name was again discussed in connection with the permanent chairmanship, but there being then some talk at that time of my possible nomination, some friends thought it might embarrass my candidacy and some opponents thought it might give me an advantage over other candidates, and so this honor passed me by. It was fortunate for me that I lost both these opportunities to address the convention.

Being in attendance upon the resolutions committee, I could not respond when speeches were called for during the temporary organization. Not being upon the sub-committee which drafted the platform, I was not expected to take part in the platform debate. I have already spoken of the unexpected invitation extended by Senator Jones. An opportunity to close such a debate had never come to me before, and I doubt if as good an opportunity had ever come to any other person during this generation. A large majority of the delegates were earnest advocates of free coinage at 16 to 1, the speeches of Senators Hill and Vilas and ex-Governor Russell had aroused much feeling, and our people were prepared to vigorously support an exponent of bimetallism.

I never addressed an audience which seemed to act in such perfect harmony; it reminded one of an immense chorus trained to sing in concert. The applause broke out simultaneously in all parts of the hall, and ended as simultaneously when the next sentence began. The intense interest depicted upon the faces before me presented a picture never to be forgotten.

I was not permitted to see the rival demonstrations which took place during the nominating speeches and balloting, but they surpassed in excitement anything before witnessed by those in attendance.

During the progress of the campaign, I was constantly gratified to note the splendid work done by the Populists and Silver Republicans. I speak of this especially, because it requires much more of moral courage to leave one's party to support a candidate connected with a different party, than it does to support a candidate bearing the same party name. Such men as Senators Teller, Dubois, Pettigrew, Cannon and Mantle, and ex-Congressman Towne, Hartman, Shafroth, Wilson -I merely mention the leaders, their followers were legion-were as active during the campaign as any of our Democrats. Among the Populists, in addition to members of the various committees, Senators

Allen, Butler, Kyle and Peffer, and Governor Holcomb, ex-Congressman Simpson, now Congressman-elect, Messrs. Donnelly, Taubeneck, Sovereign, Debs, Waite and Coxey, and in fact nearly all the other Populists of prominence were vigorously at work during the campaign.

Among the Democrats I have felt that special mention should be made of the eastern brethren who, during the battle, stood in the most dangerous places, and since the election have had less of local victory to console them. Our political history does not record the names of more valiant fighters than the men who, like Mr. Sewall, ex-Congressman Williams, and Editor Troop, of New England; Senator Murphy, Chairman Danforth, Committeeman Campbell and Editor Mack, of New York; Committeeman Kerr and Chairman Garman, of Pennsylvania; Johnson Cornish, of New Jersey; Chairman Kenney, of Delaware; and Senator Gorman, of Maryland, and those associates of these three leaders, reorganized the Democratic party and, in spite of Republicans and bolters, organized a political body which grew in numbers and enthusiasm as the campaign progressed. The vote cast for silver in the States between the Alleghanies and the Missouri-the States which witnessed the fiercest contest-shows of prodigious work done by the leaders, new and old. This campaign demonstrated the ease with which leaders can be developed. The Democratic army lost many of its commanders of high rank, and yet a single campaign raised up such efficient officers that in most of the States the party polled a larger vote than ever before. Moral: It is easier for an army to select generals than for generals to raise an army. This campaign excited more interest among the women than campaigns usually do. This interest was not confined to the States where the right of suffrage has been extended to women, but was as noticeable in those States where the subject has not been agitated.

Unless I am mistaken, the deep awakening among the people during the campaign just closed will result in a more careful study of political questions by both men and women, and in a more rigid scrutiny of the conduct of public officials by those whom they serve. No matter what may be the ultimate outcome of the struggle over the financial question, better government will result from the political interest which has been aroused.

It may be said of the colored soldiers who fought with us, that they not only fought nobly, but that they were more numerous than in any previous contest. It may also be remarked that the colored men who left the Republican party in 1896, did so because of an in

telligent understanding of the money question. Conviction had followed investigation, and political independence followed conviction.

During the campaign I ran across various evidences of coercion, direct and indirect. One of the most common means of influencing voters was the advertising of orders placed with maufacturers, conditioned upon Republican success at the polls. The following is an illustration. Tuesday morning, November 3d, there appeared at the head of the last column of the first page of the Morning News, of Wilmington, Del.:

The Harlan and Hollingsworth Company, of this city, have received a contract for a boat costing $300,000. One clause in the contract provides that in the event of Bryan's election the contract shall be canceled. If the boat is built here $160,000 of its cost would be paid to Wilmington workmen for wages. The corporation wanting the boat feel that it would not be justified in having it constructed if Bryan should become President.

On another page of the paper was the following editorial, calling attention to the news item:

Contingent Orders.

It is to be regretted that the contract made by the Harlan and Hollingsworth Company for the building of a vessel, work upon which would mean the payment of wages amounting to about $160,000 to Wilmington mechanics and laborers, should have a contingent provision. The contingency is that if Bryan should unfortunately be elected, the contract is to be canceled. Contracts of that character are not new, and several of them have been made within the last four or five weeks.

I may mention a still more forcible means adopted by many employers. The workingmen were paid off Saturday night before election and notified that they might expect work Wednesday morning in case of Mr. McKinley's election, but that they need not return if I was elected. Whether the employers themselves were actually afraid or whether they merely intended to frighten their employers, the plan worked admirably and exerted a most potent influence on election day. The coercion practiced by the large financiers upon the small ones, and by the small ones upon borrowers, was far reaching in its extent. November 6 the St. James Gazette, of London, England, in describing the American campaign, published the following letter, signed "Observer."

Coercion by Money Loaners.

To the Editor: Sir-Your comments upon the Presidential election are certainly timely. The success of Mr. Bryan on this occasion against such an enormous force would have been nothing short of a miracle. The true inward