and believe thus, must we do so too? We, in this land, have been otherwise instructed, even by the word, and works, and spirit of God.

To say that men bring forth these things when God doth them-judge you if God will bear this! I wish that every sober heart, though he hath had temptations upon him of deserting this cause of God, yet may take heed how he provokes and falls into the hands of the Living God by such blasphemies as these! According to the tenth of the Hebrews: "If we sin wilfully after that we have received the knowledge of the truth, there remains no more sacrifice for sin.' "A terrible word!" It was spoken to the Jews who, having professed Christ, apostatized from Him. What then? Nothing but a fearful "falling into the hands of the Living God!" They that shall attribute to this or that person the contrivances and production of those mighty things God hath wrought in the midst of us, and "fancy that they have not been the revolutions of Christ Himself, 'upon whose shoulders the government is laid," they speak against God, and they fall under His hand without a mediator. That is, if we deny the spirit of Jesus Christ the glory of all His works in the world, by which He rules kingdoms, and doth administer, and is the rod of His strength, we provoke the Mediator, and He may say: "I will leave you to God, I will not intercede for you; let Him tear you to pieces! I will leave thee to fall into God's hands; thou deniest me my sovereignty and power committed to me; I will not intercede nor mediate for thee; thou fallest into the hands of the Living God!" Therefore, whatsoever you may judge men for, howsoever you may say, "This is cunning, and politic, and subtle," take heed again, I say, how you judge of His revolutions as the product of men's inventions! I may be thought to press too much upon this theme. But I pray God it may stick upon your hearts and mine. The worldly-minded man knows. nothing of this, but is a stranger to it; and thence his atheisms, and murmurings at instruments, yea, repining at God Himself. And no wonder, considering the Lord hath done such things amongst us as have not been known in the world these thousand years, and yet notwithstanding is not owned by us!

There is another necessity, which you have put upon us, and we have not sought. I appeal to God, angels, and men, if I shall "now" raise money according to the article in the government, whether I am not compelled to do it? Which "government" had power to call you hither, and did; and instead of seasonably providing for the army, you have labored to overthrow the government, and the army is now upon free-quarter! And you would never so much as let me hear a tittle from you concerning it. Where is the fault? Has it not been as if you had a purpose to put this extremity upon us and the nation? I hope this was not in your minds. I am willing to judge so. But such is the state into which we are reduced. By the designs of some in the army, who are now in custody, it was designed to get as many of them as possible, through discontent for want of money, the army being in a barren country, near thirty weeks behind in pay, and upon other specious pretenses, to march for England out of Scotland; and, in discontent, to seize their general there [General Monk], a faithful and honest man, that so another [Colonel Overton] might head the army. And all this opportunity taken from your delays! Whether will this be a thing of feigned necessity? What could it signify but, "The army are in discontent already, and we will make them live upon stones; we will make them cast off their governors and discipline"? What can be said to this? I list not to unsaddle myself, and put the fault upon your backs. Whether it hath been for the good of England, whilst men have been talking of this thing or the other, and pretending liberty and many good words-whether it has been as it should have been? I am confident you cannot think it has. The nation will not think so. And if the worst should be made of things, I know not what the Cornish men nor the Lincolnshire men may think, or other counties; but I believe they will all think they are not safe. A temporary suspension of "caring for the greatest liberties and privileges" (if it were so, which is denied) would not have been of such damage as the not providing against free-quarter hath run the nation upon. And if it be my "liberty" to walk abroad in the fields, or to take a journey, yet it is not my wisdom to do so when my house is on fire!

I have troubled you with a long speech, and I believe it may not have the same resentment with all that it hath with some. But because that is unknown to me, I shall leave it to God; and conclude with this: That I think myself bound, as in my duty to God, and to the people of these nations, for their safety and good in every respectI think it my duty to tell you that it is not for the profit of these nations, nor for common and public good, for you. to continue here any longer. And therefore I do declare unto you that I do dissolve this Parliament.

JOHN PHILPOT CURRAN

IN BEHALF OF ROWAN

[John Philpot Curran, an Irish barrister, and one of the brilliant orators of his day, was born in County Cork in 1750. He was educated at Trinity College, Dublin, prepared himself in London for the profession of the law, and settled down to practice in Ireland. His success was assured from the start, owing to his readiness of speech, his quickness of wit, his capacity for cross-examination, and his intimate acquaintance with the Irish character. Before many years he was chosen to the Irish House of Commons, where he spoke with effect. It became apparent, however, that his oratory was more suited to the court of law than to the public assembly. He rose steadily in general repute and importance, attaining the height of his celebrity by defenses of Archibald Hamilton Rowan, Theodore Wolf Tone, and other noted prisoners of state. He vehemently opposed the legislative union of England and Ireland. He became master of the rolls in Ireland in 1806, but the close of his life was embittered by domestic misfortunes, and he died in 1817, a melancholy and disheartened man. The first of the following speeches was made in Dublin in 1774; the second and third in the Irish parliament in 1797 and 1785, respectively.]

I

KNOW no case in which a jury ought to be more severe than where personal calumny is conveyed through a vehicle which ought to be consecrated to public information; neither, on the other hand, can I conceive any case in which the firmness and the caution of a jury should be more exerted than when a subject is prosecuted for a libel on the state. The peculiarity of the British constitution (to which in its fullest extent we have an undoubted right, however distant we may be from the actual enjoyment), and in which it surpasses every known government in Europe, is this: that its only professed object is the general good, and its only foundation the general will; hence the people have a right acknowledged from time immemorial, fortified by a pile of statutes, and authenticated by a revo