Dumouriez is not discouraged; he is in the middle of Holland, where he will find munitions of war; to overthrow all our enemies, he wants but Frenchmen, and France is filled with citizens. Would we be free? If we no longer desire it, let us perish, for we have all sworn it. If we wish it, let all march to defend our independence. Your enemies are making their last efforts. Pitt, recognizing he has all to lose, dares spare nothing. Take Holland, and Carthage is destroyed, and England can no longer exist but for liberty! Let Holland be conquered to liberty, and even the commercial aristocracy itself, which at the moment dominates the English people, would rise against the government which had dragged it into despotic war against a free people. They would overthrow this ministry of stupidity, who thought the methods of the ancien régime could smother the genius of liberty breathing in France. This ministry once overthrown in the interests of commerce, the party of liberty would show itself; for it is not dead! And if you know your duties, if your commissioners leave at once, if you extend the hand to the strangers aspiring to destroy all forms of tyranny, France is saved and the world is free.

Expedite, then, your commissioners; sustain them with your energy; let them leave this very night, this very evening.

Let them say to the opulent classes, the aristocracy of Europe must succumb to our efforts, and pay our debt, or you will have to pay it! The people have nothing but blood-they lavish it! Go, then, ingrates, and lavish your wealth! [Wild applause.] See, citizens, the fair destinies that await you. What! you have a whole nation as a lever, its reason as your fulcrum, and you have not yet upturned the world! To do this we need firmness and character; and of a truth we lack it. I put to one side all passions. They are all strangers to me save a passion for the public good.

In the most difficult situations, when the enemy was at the gates of Paris, I said to those governing: "Your discussions are shameful; I can see but the enemy. [Fresh applause.] You tire me by squabbling, in place of occupying yourselves with the safety of the republic! I repudiate you all as traitors to our country! I place you all in the

same line!" I said to them: "What care I for my reputation? Let France be free, though my name were accursed!" What care I that I am called "a blood-drinker"? Well, let us drink the blood of the enemies of humanity, if needful; but let us struggle, let us achieve freedom. Some fear the departure of the commissioners may weaken one or the other section of this convention. Vain fears! Carry your energy everywhere. The pleasantest declaration will be to announce to the people that the terrible debt weighing upon them will be wrested from their enemies or that the rich will shortly have to pay it. The national situation is cruel. The representatives of value are no longer in equilibrium in the circulation. The day of the working man is lengthened beyond necessity. A great corrective measure is necessary! Conquerors of Holland, reanimate in England the republican party; let us advance France, and we shall go glorified to posterity. Achieve these grand destinies: no more debates, no more quarrels, and the fatherland is saved.

“SQUEEZING THE SPONGE"

You have decreed "honorable mention" of what has been done for the public benefit by the Department De L'Hevault. In this decree you authorize the whole republic to adopt the same measures, for your decree ratifies all the acts which have just been brought to your knowledge.

If everywhere the same measures be taken, the republic is saved. No more shall we treat as agitators and anarchists the ardent friends of liberty who set the nation in motion, but we shall say: "Honor to the agitators who turn the vigor of the people against its enemies!" When the Temple of Liberty shall be reared, the people will know how to decorate it. Rather perish France than to return to our hard slavery. Let it not be believed we shall become barbarians after we shall have founded liberty. We shall embellish France until the despots shall envy us; but while the ship of state is in the stress of storm, beaten by the tempest, that which belongs to each belongs to all.

No longer are agrarian laws spoken of! The people are

wiser than their calumniators assumed, and the people in mass have much more sense than many of those who deem themselves great men. In a people we can no more count the great men than we can count the giant trees in the vast forest. It was believed that the people wanted the agrarian law, and this may throw suspicion on the measures adopted by the Department De L'Hevault. It will be said of them: "They taxed the rich"; but, citizens, to tax the rich is to serve them. It is rather a veritable advantage for them than any considerable sacrifice; and the greater the sarcifice the greater the usufruct, for the greater is the guaranty to the foundation of property against the invasion of its enemies. It is an appeal to every man, according to his means, to save the republic. The appeal is just. What the Department De L'Hevault has done, Paris and all France will do. See what resources France will procure. Paris has a luxury and wealth which is considerable. Well, by decree, this sponge will be squeezed! And with singular satisfaction it will be found that the people will conduct their revolution at the expense of their internal enemies. These enemies themselves will learn the price of liberty and will desire to possess it, when they will recognize that it has preserved for them their possessions.

Paris in making an appeal to capitalists will furnish her contingent, which will afford means to suppress the troubles in La Vendée; for, at any sacrifice, these troubles must be suppressed. On this alone depends your external tranquillity. Already the departments of the north have informed the combined despots that your territory cannot be divided; and soon you will probably learn of the dissolution of this formidable league of kings. For in uniting against you, they have not forgotten their ancient hatreds. and respective pretensions; and if the executive council. had had a little more latitude, the league might be already completely dissolved.

Paris, then, must be directed against La Vendée. All the men needed in this city to form a reserve camp should be sent at once to La Vendée. These measures once taken, the rebels will disperse, and, like the Austrians, will commence to kill each other. If the flames of this civil discord be extinguished, they will ask of us peace!

CUSHMAN KELLOGG DAVIS

THE UNITED STATES IN HAWAII

[Cushman Kellogg Davis, an American statesman, was born in New York state in 1838. He was taken to the West in early life by his parents and "grew up with the country," getting his education in the academy of a Wisconsin town, and finishing it with a course at the University of Michigan. Then he settled down as a Wisconsin lawyer; but the Civil War came, and he raised a company and went to the front. He attained the rank of adjutant-general, and was forced by an attack of fever in 1864 to leave the army. Establishing himself as a lawyer in St. Paul, he was elected to the Minnesota Legislature, and subsequently held local offices until in 1873 he was chosen governor of Minnesota. His political affiliations were Republican. Having been more than once an unsuccessful candidate, he was at last elected to the United States Senate in 1887, and was reëlected in 1893, and again in 1899. His senatorial career was exceedingly conspicuous, making him a prominent figure before the country, especially upon his admission to the famous Committee on Foreign Relations. He reported to the Senate the resolution that was tantamount to a declaration of war with Spain, and in August of 1898 he was placed upon the peace commission that went to Paris to draft the treaty of amity. He died in 1900. This speech, giving his reasons for thinking the annexation of Hawaii to the United States a wise political movement, was made in the Senate in 1892.]

THU

HUS, Mr. President, the curtain fell upon the last scene of this harlequin monarchy. The stage lords and stage ladies vanished into the mass of the population. The queen of the play laid aside her tinsel crown, put off her tawdry regalia, and reentered private life through the stage entrance. The play had had its run. The engagement, which had not been successful, was ended, and the theater was to be closed. The whole proceeding throughout had been imitative. The monarchy was a spectacle. It had been tolerated by the civilized world, although fre

quently the performance had been rudely and forcibly interrupted by the foreign spectators. The domestic audience, heavily taxed for its support, when insulted by the actors had repeatedly resented the indignity with violence. The practical and real took the place of this pernicious mockery. A firm government, conducted by just and able men, was installed upon the abandoned stage. The whole proceeding had been spectacular. Civilization had endured it. The lord of the demesne had for a brief period conferred his functions upon Christopher Sly. But to this general and correct appreciation of the melodrama there was one exception. As the play was ending, the Democratic administration came in as a spectator, as Don Quixote and Sancho Panza entered the puppet show in Spain. To it, as to the Don, the performance was real, and, like real life, it was thought to be continuous. It saw in the mammets and puppets and in the stage queen weakness overpowered and virginity oppressed and disinherited, while Sancho, against the evidence of his senses, saw through the eyes of his master. [Laughter and applause in the galleries.]

Mr. Blount was appointed on the eleventh day of March 1893. The treaty was withdrawn, I think, upon the seventh day of March 1893. An inquiry more interesting and important than anything I have discussed (because this Hawaiian question is fleeting; it will pass away) is whether the appointment of Mr. Blount was a constitutional appointment, in that it never received the advice or consent of the Senate.

Mr. Blount was appointed on the eleventh day of March 1893, and he arrived at Honolulu on the twenty-ninth day of April 1893. He called on President Dole and presented the letters of credence to that "great and good brother" on the thirtieth day of April 1893.

"I communicated to him the friendly disposition of our government toward him and toward the Hawaiian people. I assured him of its purpose to avoid any interference with the domestic concerns of the islands, unless it became necessary to protect the persons and property of American citizens. I then offered my letters of credence."

Now in the light of what he did immediately thereafter, and what has been done since, the proprieties of language