State government was revolutionized-one part withdrew from the other and organized a separate government, rather than allow it to go into the bottomless pit of secession. Maryland, when she gets a chance, votes against it. Missouri-her citizens are pouring out their blood like water and their treasure without stint, rather than be drawn into secession. Look at good old Kentucky, where her Governor and Senators have labored to take her out of the Union-after all attempts to seduce her from her fidelity to the Constitution, she gives more than sixty thousand majority for the Union. Now I inquire of all citizens in the free States, especially my democratic fellow-citizens, whether they are troubled about the integrity of Kentucky, whether they think it is necessary to stay up the hands of rebellion in Kentucky, so emphatically condemned there? I repeat, that the only practical cause of dissension was the fugi. tive slave question; and that appertained to States that could only be drawn or dragooned into the folly of secession. General Butler has had this question on his hands. As long as the Constitution was acknowledged, all conservative citizens admitted that it was the duty of the free States to restore the fugitive who was fleeing from the service of his master. General Butler has found the restoration of fugitives impracticable in many cases. The master had thrown off the Constitution. What was the result? He was obliged to receive hundreds of contrabands "and retain them. I do not know what he is going to do with them; but I suppose something as the Irishman was going to do in the case of the Widow Maloney's pig. "Did you steal Widow Maloney's pig, Patrick?" asked the priest at confession. "That I did." "What made you? Think what you will do, you heretic, in the great day when I shall be there, and you will be there, and the Widow Maloney will be there, and the pig will be there." "And will your Riverence be there?" "Yes." "And the Widow Maloney there?" "Yes." "And the pig there?" "Yes." "Well, I should say, Widow Maloney, take your pig!" Now, I do not know but General Butler is going to take as long a credit as did the IrishBut when we have a Constitution, and acknowledge its force, I have no doubt but every just citizen will be in favor of seeing it complied with.

man.

I have just as much confidence in the masses of the South

ern people as in the masses of the Northern people. Both are alike. The masses are honest. To be sure, their institutions, their habits of life, their means of communication, render them mere excitable, more easily influenced by, and more relying upon their leaders for public information, and therefore more liable to be misled than the people of the North. Nevertheless, I have confidence in the Southern people; and the result of the great conflict in Kentucky assures me that the Southern heart is, with the people, sound to the core. Though terrified into seeming secession, with the exception of one or two States I am well satisfied that, if the question of union or disunion were submitted to the people to-day, an overwhelming vote would be given for the Union and its Stars and Stripes. Every indication has shown that. Whenever there has been an election in any Southern State, and a fair opportunity given, you have seen that the Union sentiment has prevailed. It is by military power, by threats, intimidation, destruction, murder, and arson, that they have succeeded in forcing onward the cause of secession. In some States, as, for instance, Louisiana, they never submitted the question to the people at all. It is a base humbug of Davis, Cobb & Co. to place themselves in power. The election of a political opponent was never a cause of secession or for a resort to force; and if those secession leaders had opposed Mr. Lincoln's election, from the time of the Charleston Convention, with half the pertinacity and force that I did, he would not have been elected. I charge in all my public speeches that they connived at that election; and the same has been charged home upon them by their own people in the South. Their time had come. Secession must be forced upon the South, or they would be ruined. They remind one of little boys who want to ride a horse. Those in the city get them a hobby-horse, and they can ride that. Country boys get astride of a stick, and ride that. This knot of office-seekers, failing to get a real horse to ride, or even a hobby, have mounted this poor stick of a Southern Confederacy and are riding that. It is just such ambition as caused the angels in heaven to rebel. It was not because we had not a good government, but because they could not rule it.

Call them democrats, or entitled to the sympathy of democrats, with arms in their hands against their government and

their hands red with the blood of our murdered citizens! They are enemies of their country; they are traitors to the flag and the Constitution, and as such I arraign them in the name of the Constitution and the Union. I arraign them in the name of civilization; I arraign them in the name of Christianity; I arraign them in the name of the fathers of the Revolution, who poured out their blood to gain the liberty transmitted to us; I arraign them in the name of the soldiers who marched barefoot to secure our blood-bought liberty; I arraign them in the name of the holy memories of the women of the Revolution, whose pure and gentle hearts were crushed and broken in the great struggle for freedom, independence, and nationality. In the great day of account, the savage Brant and more savage Butler, that deluged the beautiful valley of the Wyoming with blood, will stand up white in their crimes in comparison with the men who now attempt to divide and destroy this Union. The ferocious instincts of the savage taught him that he might be doing a duty to his people; but these men were born in a land of civilization, and baptized in the name of the Trinity, and they should be held to account for the abuse of the trust which has been confided to them. Who are these men, in arms against the government-in arms against the Union? They are men who have been educated at its expense, been laden with its honors, been pampered at its treasury. If we perish, we may say with the poet over the stricken eagle:

"Keen were his pangs, yet keener far to feel

He nursed the pinion which impelled the steel;

While the same plumage that had warmed his nest,
Drank the last life-drop of his bleeding breast."

If the Union is stung to the heart, it must be a melancholy reflection that we have reared the men who do it; that we have nourished and brought up children, and they have rebelled against the institutions of their country; and like the demented Lear, we shall learn

"How sharper than a serpent's tooth it is,

To have a thankless child."

We have seen by the action of the Border Southern States

that it is not their intention to permit this Government to be subverted. Every crime known in the catalogue of depravity, from treason to larceny, has been committed by the secession leaders, in attempting to drive them into rebellion. How can these men be sustained by any one; with hands dripping with blood-not only the blood of Northern, but of Southern citizens; and why? Because a Northern candidate was elected to the Presidency for four years, whose election they might have prevented-but connived at-they will hazard a whole country, so far as temporal existence is concerned, to gratify present personal pique and feed a mean ambition. Whoever sustains them, I will not. Whoever cries peace, I will not. Whoever cries compromise with them, I will not. I am for peace, but I am for making peace with the loyal citizens of the South-the loyal citizens of Kentucky, and of Missouri, too, who have sent that modern Nebuchadnezzar, Claiborne F. Jackson, to grass.

It is asked, in repetition, can you coerce a State? I say no; you cannot. You might as well coerce the sun to shine or the stars to twinkle; but you can punish individuals, few or many, who rebel against the Laws and Constitution of the Union. Can you coerce a neighborhood to be honest? No; but you may punish its criminals. The general government and the governments of the several States were designed to be in harmony in the exercise of separate but not inconsistent functions. We, as citizens of our respective States and also of the Union, hold twofold relations, and, under the admirable division and limitation of powers which characterize our system, owe distinct allegiance to each. The government of the Union, in its prescribed sphere, is supreme, and there is nothing in the abused and perverted principle of State sovereignty, or within the reach. of State action, that can absolve its citizens from their allegiance and the obligations it imposes. No one can, under plea of State authority, justify armed rebellion in opposition to the Union. and the Constitution of his country.

But Mr. Lincoln, it is said, forsooth, has violated the Constitution in conducting his Administration! Very well; there is a day of reckoning to come with him and his advisers. But it is one thing to violate the Constitution in defence of your country, and quite another to violate it in endeavoring to sub

vert it. If my Democratic or Republican friends, "or any other man," are disposed to call the President to account (and I am not his defender), I merely beg, when they get through with him, that they will just inquire whether Mr. Jefferson Davis & Co. have gone strictly according to the Constitution of the United States? I have the impression that instituting a pretended government within the boundaries of the United States; that stealing the treasures of our government, its ships, arsenals, mints, &c.; betraying its command; firing upon its fortifications; organizing piracy upon the high seas, and a long list of other and kindred acts are slight infringements of the Constitution, and may require examination. I want my constitutional friends to come along with me, and when they get the Administration all regulated and on the constitutional track, look at this matter a little; for it seems it requires attention. I know not whether Mr. Lincoln has observed the Constitution; indeed, for all the purposes of resisting the rebellion, I care not. It is due to him to say, however, that he has seemed to be, in good faith, attempting to put down the rebellion. He has not done all things as I would have done them, because I would have multiplied his men by about four, and where he has struck one blow I would have struck a dozen. Therefore I do not agree with him in that respect. When the day comes we can have a settlement with him, for he is to be held, with all other public officers, to a strict account. But I would not do even that under the smoke of an enemy's guns. Let us see first that the rebellion is put down. And when that is done, I am ready to ask how it has been done.

I do not propose to yield this Union, or any part of it, to the so-called Confederate government that has been made up in the Southern States. It is no government, and there is nothing in the shape of a government, under it, over it, in it, or around it. Like a boy's training, it is all officers. It is made up thus: You shall be President of the Congress, and I will be President of the Confederacy; you shall be Minister of Foreign Affairs, and I will be Secretary of the Treasury. Doubtless, very well; satisfactory enough. If they had kept it to themselves, no one would have objected to their strutting in their stolen plumage. But it has arrayed itself against our Union and nationality, and it is time for the people of the United States to put their hands