and that it cannot be abolished with safety to national existence. These questions are coming to be understood. Let us see what this Convention says about this very matter, for their views are important, as I have shown:

"Resolved, That while we admit the necessity of summary processes and martial law among insurgent populations, and within the lines of military operations, we protest against the doctrine that any power except the representatives of the people can suspend the writ of habeas corpus for civil offences. We protest against the assumption of the Executive power to establish a system of passports; against the right of the federal government to organize systems of State police; against the assumption of the federal Executive to suppress the discussions of a free press by the refusal of mail facilities, or in any way except by the decisions of the civil tribunals; and that, finally, we protest against the doctrine of President Lincoln's message that the States derive their authority from the federal government, as subversive of the fundamental doctrine of American liberty."

Now I propose as a compromise that President Lincoln has the right to suspend the habeas corpus as long as it takes to read the foggy resolution and understand it. As the school-boy said, "it is pretty considerably difficult to express ideas whereof one is not possessed of. Notwithstanding, peradventure, undoubtedly, may be so, I guess it is, most certainly!" Now I have read President Lincoln's messages carefully; and he does not say, so far as I have seen, that the States derive their power from the federal government. If he does, he is in error. That resolution is remarkable, at any rate, for its length and for its fogginess and obfuscation. It is literally as clear as mud! There can be no doubt that the rights of the Executive, and of the people, will be understood hereafter-no matter whether they were before. It is very well that the resolution came into the Convention as it did. The members were dry and parched for the lack of some stream of living doctrine, when a modern Moses smote the rock, and out gushed this refreshing, constitutional well-spring to gladden them as did the waters of old the wandering tribes of Israel. But all this death-bed repentance is too late.

You will remember a few years since, that when Louis Philippe, with his stealthy usurpations, finally ranged his guns so that they would bear on the city of Paris, and relied upon his military arm to sustain himself and his family as the house VOL. II.-6

of Orleans through all time; of a sudden commenced one of those revolutionary surges and ground-swells of the French people. It swayed here and it swayed there; and at last it appeared that the people were going to rise against that government by revolution in earnest. The king first flew to his army of defence, and his guns and guards. They failed him. He then began to make concessions and apologies to the French people; but they cried out, "too late! too late!" and he was ignominiously driven from his kingdom. These pretended democratic leaders, to perpetuate their usurped position, now come with these toned-down resolutions; they are half and half, of the mermaid species; half woman and half fish, and all scales. But the voice of the people of New York is like that of the French, "too late! too late!" The hand-writing was over against them on the wall where they were sitting, like Bclshazzar at his impious banquet; and like him they must fall, for their usurped and abused reign, like his, is divided and finished. A more corrupt and rotten political regency than any that has ever before existed; a combination which lives, and moves, and has its being in the jobs of lobby legislation and office brokerage; which festers at every pore, and is spotted and leprous in every feature and lineament, has been brought to the judg ment of the people finally. It will be cursed by every American in the Union when known, and a whip be put in every hand, to lash the caitiffs naked through the land.

A great popular movement for "during the war" is in progress, not made up of Republicans, Americans, Democrats, nor anything else except Union men from the people. I am for throwing off the shackles of worn-out organizations, and consigning them to the tomb of the Capulets, and letting a fresh Union party rise up to prosecute this war, for which I have enlisted.. It must not be hitched to any political organization, nor any organization to it. It must be made up of true Union men, and the only platform must be the Constitution and the Union, and a vigorous prosecution of the war until rebellion is put down and the supremacy of the government, of the Union, and the stars and stripes is re-established; with justice to rebels, justice to loyal citizens and to loyal States. I will follow you in its prosecution, or you may me, or we will go along together. The day of party hacks is over. They have filled up their

measure and their doom has come. Justice has been drowsy and nodding upon her seat; but she has finally waked up, and they have been tried and condemned, and are now ready for execution, and let every honest man cry "away with them." They have no principle, and never had. Now these men claim to be running the democratic party of New York. There is no doctrine, from that of abolitionism so black that that of Wendell Phillips would be pale by the side of it, to pro-slaveryism so rank that it would take the brass out of South Carolina, but they would resolve to be their cherished principle in a moment, to hold their power. In their resolutions they pretend to go for the salvation of the Union; but they go a few steps forward, then a few steps backward, then a few steps sideways, and show their action to be grudging and insincere, and give aid and comfort to the enemy by making up querulous issues with the Administration, and charging upon it the origin of the war.

When men are guilty and attempt to charge their own guilt upon others, it is well to look at their history. These men went to Charleston, and had control of the New York delegation of the Convention there; and when the South insisted on a certain platform of principles-that is, that what was called popular sovereignty should not be incorporated, they fought two weeks over it. These men, holding the balance of power, insisted on that particular declaration. While I think that some of the Southern men were acting in bad faith, these men were acting in equally bad, and even worse. There were gambling leaders on each side, and they understood, I have no doubt, to some extent, the nods and winks of each other. But the Southern men said, because these men would have the popular sovereignty plank in their platform, that they would not. agree. They withdrew from the Convention, and it adjourned to Baltimore. They were foolish and wrong in going out, but they had a right to come back, and sought to do so in Baltimore. These same men had the balance of power there, and prevented their coming into the adjourned Convention. If they had been permitted to come in, probably the difficulties might have been and would have been healed. But these men went on and made a nomination in which they knew the South would not concur; and then of their own motion adopted the very platform which had been the subject of two weeks' controversy

in Charleston, and which had broken up the Convention there. That is a true history of the case. It is perfectly notorious that some of these men had corrupt jobs and pecuniary ventures, that they were looking for investments made to be used in controlling the expected administration, to secure which, particular nominations must be procured. They pretend to account for the mode in which this difficulty arose. I have no doubt but many of these Southern rebels in arms meant secession at the time. But the wind would have been taken out of their sails, and popular feelings would have compelled them to a different course, if the New York delegation had not played their detestable game. And these men are they who are afraid of getting mixed up with and contaminated by contact with the administration; the administration which they contributed so effectually to place in power. They will never be trusted again by the people of New York. They may run a ticket, some portions of it composed of very good men, and some of it quite too rank with secession; but a ticket unexceptionable would never be supported coming from such treacherous and corrupt leadership.

The democratic party is a great power, and has always been true. Like Rome, as the schoolboys say in their orations, it originated in the efforts of a "wolf--uckled founder." It gained the popular confidence, and shaped the policy of this government, and great blessings flowed from its administration under a Jefferson, a Jackson, and others. But, in an evil day, the democratic party, like the individual who went down from Jerusalem to Jericho, fell among thieves, who plundered it and left it half dead. To that you may trace, more than to any one cause, the demoralization of the party and the present dif ficulties of the country. The democratic party did sit like Rome upon her seven hills. But as with Rome, so with it; both were brought to the block of the auctioneer. But yesterday the name of the democratic party might have stood against the world; now there are few so poor to do her reverence, because of her execrated and knavish leaders. But,

"Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise again,

The eternal years of God are hers;

But error, wounded, writhes in pain,
And dies amid her worshippers."

The democratic party is strong in its popular element, but it never was strong enough to carry so much festering dead weight as it has upon its back now. It has got to throw overboard its Jonahs, expel its Achans from the camp, return to some principle beside the engineering of packed conventions, lobby corruptions, and the influence of anaconda railroad corporations. I do not know what has become of their propositions for peace, so recently prominent. They seem to have vanished completely out of sight. Is there no one of this body of patriots to stand up for them? It was a crime to let them go so suddenly. They ought to have been removed gradually; the peace party may take cold. They should have done as did the Indian with his dog, whose tail he wished to cut off, but, fearing to hurt the animal too much by cutting it all off at once, he cut off a little piece every day until he had curtailed it sufficiently. Another thing I object to. I do not care so much about the big peace men at Syracuse as the little peace men over the country. They thought there was to be a big peacegong sounded at Syracuse, and then the little gongs would come in play, and they commenced ringing them in advance. They were prepared when they should hear the music of the secession sackbut, psaltery, and harp, and other instruments, to fall down and cry aloud for peace, or at least for "liberal prop ositions." But the peace capital has been squandered, their occupation is gone; their light is suddenly and remorselessly extinguished, and hereafter when "liberal propositions" are mentioned among them, it will be the signal for such a fight as is said to have illustrated the peace meeting held at this place the other day.

We propose to meet the rebels, and put them down by the power and dignity of the government; and I see no other way to meet them. We e are for liberal propositions of peace; but for peace with loyalty and not with treason; with fidelity and not rebellion. Would they who stand up and cry "peace" burn that capitol, destroy the archives of the country, dishonor the flag, and murder citizens standing in its defence? "Oh! no; we would not do it ourselves." Why not do it yourselves if you would encourage others to do it? It would be more manly, and not less wicked, either in the sight of man or in the sight of God. He who encourages it, who winks at it, and apolo