CHAPTER VIII

THE DELEGATE CONVENTION ESTABLISHED—1832-1844

Appearance of Anti-Masonry. In 1826 one William Morgan, a Freemason in western New York, threatened to reveal the secrets of the Masonic order. He was arrested on a charge of debt, taken in custody, and disappeared. That he was murdered was charged against the order. The first indication of public disapproval was, the defeat of a local politician by a large vote, and so quietly was his defeat accomplished that it was not known up to the election that the officer in question had any opposition. The disaffection spread like a forest fire. It enlisted the efforts of young voters and won support from many churches, as well as from the citizens of rural districts, until the cause commanded sufficient strength in the State to elect several members to the legislature.

The spread of the agitation. From New York the agitation spread through Pennsylvania, Ohio and New England. It received the support of the famous editor Thurlow Weed, and such statesmen as Seward, J. Q. Adams, Calhoun, Everett, Rush, Harrison, Webster and Sumner; such jurists as Marshall and Story, and such divines as Lyman Beecher, who, on an occasion in Boston, prayed that the "great and good cause in which we are engaged may find acceptance above." This incident, which at first merely concerned a rural community, had in a brief time disturbed the political equilibrium of the Empire State, and assumed a national significance. Numerous mass meetings were held to arouse sentiment. At a meet

ing on the anniversary of Morgan's abduction, held in Boston, William H. Seward was the speaker. On the approach of the time for the presidential election in 1832, the Anti-Masons were first in the field.

First delegate convention. The adherents of the new party called a convention to be held at Philadelphia in September, 1830. They styled the gathering, "The United States Anti-Masonic Convention." In it there were ninety-six delegates, representing the States of Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, Ohio, and the territory of Michigan. The convention elected Francis Granger, of New York, as chairman. It adopted a resolution arranging for a second convention to be held in the city of Baltimore on the 26th of September, 1831. It recommended that each State be allowed a number of delegates equal to the number of electoral votes to which it is entitled in the electoral college. It did not specify the manner of choosing these delegates. It stated the purpose of the coming convention to be the choice "of suitable candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President, to be voted for at the next election, and for the transaction of such other business as the cause of Anti-Masonry may require." This Philadelphia convention has been erroneously styled the first national delegate convention, called to nominate a candidate for President. It did nothing except organize, by selecting a chairman, and provide for the assembling of a national delegate convention to select a candidate for President. It then adjourned.

Convention in session. Accordingly, on the appointed time, the first delegate convention met in session at Baltimore, with one hundred and twelve delegates present, representing thirteen States, including all of the New England States, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland. This representation indicates that the party's source of strength was opposition to Jackson, rather than

zealous advocacy of any distinct principle. The union of all anti-Jackson elements was the dominating idea of the convention. The policy of the martial President tended to solidify the opposition. The sweeping defeat of Adams and the vicious attacks against Clay by the Administration adherents, together with the brillant talents of leadership displayed by Clay, caused the opposition to rally around the Kentuckian as the standard-bearer in the coming struggle.

Candidates mentioned. Wirt, who had been attorney-general for the past twelve years and who had become exasperated over the baseless charges against Adams and his administration by the Jackson followers, favored Clay as the rival candidate of Jackson. On this matter he was in correspondence with Salmon P. Chase of Ohio and other prominent men. There is little doubt that had Clay renounced the Masonic order, which he declined to do, he would have been nominated by the Anti-Masons. His defection compelled the search for another leader. John McLean, of Ohio, was decided upon as the available candidate. But this decision had to be modified on account of the declination of Judge McLean who was too broad-minded not to see that a party built upon such a slender foundation as the Morgan incident and a campaign conducted upon a single positive idea which was negative in effect, and the choice of a candidate on the ground of opposition to a present régime, rather than any peculiar positive qualities he might possess, must end in humiliating defeat. John Quincy Adams was available so far as his attitude toward the antiMasonic agitation was concerned, for his denunciation of Freemasonry had reached the public press. But his complete rout in the preceding election disqualified him.

Wirt nominated. During the session of the convention Chief Justice Marshall and Ex-Attorney-general William Wirt were invited to take seats upon the platform as a mark of courtesy toward distinguished talent and public service. Very much to the surprise of Wirt he found that the thoughts

of the delegates were directed toward him. The convention tendered him the nomination on the 28th of September, and in the evening of the same day he sent a communication accepting the nomination. It is an interesting communication. He accounted for his inactivity in politics on the ground of his love of peace and expressed his surprise that he should receive any recognition from the Anti-Masons. He was amazed that a party could be built upon such an incident as the Morgan episode. His acceptance closed with the following: "If, with these views of my opinions, it is the pleasure of your convention to change the nomination, I can assure you very sincerely that I shall retire from it with far more pleasure than I should accept it. If, on the contrary, it be their choice to abide by it, I have only to add that, in a government like ours, I consider no citizen at liberty to reject such a nomination by so respectable a body, upon personal considerations.” His position was satisfactory to the delegates and he entered the campaign. Amos Ellmaker, of Pennsylvania, was nominated for Vice-President. The practise of adopting a party platform had not come into vogue yet, but a very near approach to it was made by this convention when it appointed a committee to issue an address to the people. It dwelt upon the condition of the times, the ill effects of secret societies, pointed out the qualities of their candidate, Mr. Wirt, and closed by calling upon all good citizens to rally to the support of the cause.

Wirt as a presidential candidate. Wirt was satisfactory to the Anti-Masons and his political career had been consistent with the wishes of the opposition to Jackson. On the other hand Wirt was convinced that without the Clay endorsement, his candidacy would be a farce. On the 5th of December, just one week before the Clay convention met, Wirt wrote Judge Carr, "There seems to be no doubt of Mr. Clay's nomination by the convention here next Wednesday. So be it. In a personal point of view I shall feel I have made a lucky escape. I told the Anti-Masons that they had rung the knell of my

departed peace." In another letter to Judge Carr he said: "A clergyman informs me that the Presbyterians are thinking of coming to my aid. I belong to their church. They are said to number one hundred and twenty thousand votes. My advice to them is to stick to their religion, and not sully it by mixing in political strife. They will make more hypocrites than Christians by such a course. This is bad advice as a politician, but sound as a Christian." No surprise should be awakened that a man such as Wirt would exert every honorable means to withdraw from the turmoil of a campaign fraught with so much anxiety. Only his keen sense of duty to the men who placed him before the people, kept him in the race to the end.

State of parties in 1828-1832. The Jackson enthusiasm assumed various forms. In city and State his followers at once groomed him for the track in the coming race. Among the various nominations he received was one in Columbus, Ohio. His followers in Congress made it a point to embarrass every measure of the Adams administration. By 1828 the country knew the campaign would be made for only two candidates: Jackson and Adams. The defeat of Adams in this election opened the way for Clay in the election of 1832. This was not only because of Clay's qualifications, but especially because he had been the target for bitter attacks from Jackson and his friends. He was charged with being guilty of a corrupt bargain in which it was alleged that he sold his influence to Adams for the position in the Cabinet so that he might be in the line for succession to the presidency. Notwithstanding the specific denial of the charge by both Clay and Adams, and the public exculpation from no less an opponent than Benton of Missouri, the charge was reiterated by Jackson and his friends. Jackson's attitude toward his opponents, his dealing with the office-holders, his war upon the Bank, and his extension of the Executive function in general, created an opposition which naturally rallied around Clay as the suitable candidate to be pitted against him.