CHAPTER XXII

CONCLUSION

The American type. An attempt has been made in this volume to trace the history of political theory in the United States, and account for the unique party organization found here. In it, the peculiar type of American political theory is easily observed—a type peculiar in itself, especially when compared with those of European countries. While following the general course of political theory of all modern governments, the American type has taken on a character different from all others. In no other country have the same conditions obtained. Here was a virgin soil, uncontaminated by oldworld ideas of society, religion and government. To occupy this soil there came a people peculiarly adapted to plant such a system as was planted-the American democracy, a republic, a representative democracy. The people were men and women of talent, of conscience, and of deep convictions, as well as of determination. Heredity helped furnish the seed, and environment assisted in preparing the ŝoil.

The party system. Perhaps the most unique feature of the American system is the party system, with all its attendant machinery. This system is an evolution, rather than a creation. It was a natural outgrowth of conditions. The very motive which prompted the earliest settlements, insured a distinct political system. The oppression from which the fathers fled prompted that freedom of speech and of worship, the consequence of which is contention, which is another

expression of party spirit. The variety of opinion, both political and religious, together with the limitless expanse of the new world, insured a lack of uniformity of opinion and party divisions on questions, both local and general. Conditions invariably confronting a new government necessitated a union of effort and consequent variety of method, a natural condition for the formation of parties. This situation accounts in part for the numerous religious denominations which have sprung up in every part of the country. But while religious differences gave life to various denominations, and political differences permitted separate political parties, the spirit of democracy was sufficient, that between democracy and aristocracy the latter had no footing. The nearest approach was the pre-Revolutionary division, the Tory versus the Whig. While democracy was supreme in the new world, its very suggestion implied variety of method.

Foundation principles. As has been stated, the rational basis for party division in this country is the contention between liberty and authority. Leaders have arisen who stood as the opponents of these principles in the American system. Parties have been organized upon these principles as fundamental. In this party contention, each factor has revealed both its strength and its weakness, and in obedience to the law of the survival of the fittest, the resultant of the struggle is a system which incorporates both elements as co-ordinate. Upon these two fundamental elements, liberty and authority, the structure of the American system has been erected.

Party control. For one hundred and twenty years the party system has been maturing. From 1789 to 1801 the Federalist party had control of the machinery of the government. During much of this time aggressive opposition was offered by the Anti-Federalist, better known as Republican party. From 1801 to 1845 the Republican party, later called the Democratic party, held control with the possible single exception of the younger Adams, 1825-29. While he was a Republican, Adams

differed from his party upon the construction of the Constitution. Yet as a Republican he had conducted the Foreign Relations department of Monroe's Cabinet, of which he was regarded the most distinguished member. Harrison's inauguration in 1841 was the introduction of the Whig party to power, but the death of Harrison on April 4, 1841, and the inauguration of Tyler limited the Whig control to a single month. Tyler broke with his party on the Bank question, and returned to his former Democratic allegiance. In 1845 Polk's inauguration permitted the Democrats to continue their policy. In 1849 the election of Taylor gave the country its only Whig administration. Taylor died in office, but his policy was continued by his successor, Fillmore. The accession of Pierce to office, in 1853, inaugurated the Democratic policy which continued with Pierce and Buchanan down to 1861. In the latter year Lincoln inaugurated the Republican rule which continued without interruption for twenty-four years. It then gave way to the Democratic policy under Cleveland. After four years the Republicans returned to power under the second Harrison, who after four years again gave way to the Democrats under Cleveland. After four years Cleveland gave way to the Republicans under McKinley.

Résumé. A résumé shows that the Federalist party controlled the government twelve years, the old Republican party twenty-four years, the National Republican party, under John Q. Adams, four years, the Democratic party, including the Tyler régime, thirty-six years, the Whig four years, the Republican party forty years ending with Roosevelt in 1909. During this period of one hundred and twenty years the government has been administered, at one time or other, by six different parties, if the parties are distinguished by name; if by political theory, only two have been in control. The old Republican and the modern Democratic party held the same theory of government, and should be identified in name as well as in principle. The Federalist, the National Repub

lican, the Whig, and the Republican, all advocated similar principles, and should be regarded as the same party with different names. Taking this view of parties, the one has stood from the beginning for strong central government, the other for local self-government. The one employed the broad or loose construction of the Constitution, the other the narrow or strict construction. During the one hundred and twenty years of national existence, each party has conducted the affairs of the nation one half of the time. One of the most striking features of this party struggle is the remarkable evenness with which these contests have been fought out. While almost the entire electorate appears at the polls to express its conviction on public questions, only a few thousands make up the majority of one party over the other.

Debt due the parties. To the Federalist party the country owes the organization of the government and the inauguration of the government's policies. Under Washington and Hamilton the finances were provided, a high credit was established, neutrality was announced which has been consistently followed to this day, a strong and vigorous foreign policy was outlined. To the old Republican party, the country is indebted for much of its liberties, for the freedom of speech, of the press, of worship, and the right of petition. To it also the States owe the largest recognition of local self-government, and also the first step toward the marvelous expansion which the country has experienced in the one hundred and twenty years of its national existence. To the National Republican party, the country owes the fostering of the constructive policy, in the establishment of internal improvements, the defense of a system of National Banks, and the adoption of the policy of protection of American industries. This latter was denominated by Clay, one of its greatest defenders, as the "American system," and by Randolph, one of its fiercest opponents as the "bill of Abominations." To the Whig party the country owes a continued fostering of these prin

ciples. To the Democratic party is due the continued defense of the cardinal principles of the old Republican party. The work of expansion, begun by that party in the purchases of Louisiana and Florida, was continued by it in the annexation of Texas, the occupation of Oregon, the prosecution of the Mexican War with the consequent accession of the vast Southwest. Its expansion principle was displayed in the party platform committing the party to the annexation of Cuba. To this party the country owes also the prominence of the State rights doctrine. One of its fundamental principles is the protection of the many against the few. It therefore declaims against special privileges and abuses of corporate wealth. Its platform is the welfare of the many and special privilege to none. To the Republican party, the country owes the abolition of slavery and the citizenship of the negro. To it, mainly is due the prosecution of the war and the preservation of the Union. It was during the period of its incumbency that new applications of electricity were made, various products of the mine were improved, such as steel, a vast impulse in transportation was experienced, and such a commercial awakening as the world never saw before. Coincident with this commercial awakening, vast combinations of capital were made, the impulse to prevent competition became regnant, and corporate greed threatened the welfare of the many. While the party in power took to itself the honor of first class, it denied the odium of the second which its opponents attempted to fasten upon it. The whole truth is not in the position of either party. The student of political history must recognize genuine worth as revealed in substantial results of the governmental agencies called political parties. Only the arrogant citizen is incapable of beholding the great value of these organizations.

Legitimate objections to the party system. The party system of the nation is open to severe criticism. Its rigidity at times approaches a state of tyranny, which not infre