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moral needs and moral standards may change; but at present, if a man can view his own country and all other countries from the same level with tepid indifference, it is wise to distrust him, just as it is wise to distrust the man 5 who can take the same dispassionate view of his wife and his mother. However broad and deep a man's sympathies, however intense his activities, he need have no fear that they will be cramped by love of his native land.

Now, this does not mean in the least that a man should 10 not wish to do good outside of his native land. On the

contrary, just as I think that the man who loves his family is more apt to be a good neighbor than the man who does not, so I think that the most useful member of the family

of nations is normally a strong patriotic nation. So far 15 from patriotism being inconsistent with proper regard for

the rights of other nations, I hold that the true patriot, who is as jealous of the national honor as a gentleman of his own honor, will be careful to see that the na

tion neither inflicts nor suffers wrong, just as a gentle20 man scorns equally to wrong others or to suffer others to

wrong him. I do not for one moment admit that political morality is different from private morality, that a promise made on the stump differs from a promise made in private

life. I do not for one moment admit that a man should 25 act deceitfully as a public servant in his dealings with

other nations, any more than that he should act deceitfully in his dealings as a private citizen with other private citizens. I do not for one moment admit that a nation should

treat other nations in a different spirit from that in which 30 an honorable man would treat other men.

In practically applying this principle to the two sets of cases there is, of course, a great practical difference to

be taken into account. We speak of international law; but international law is something wholly different from private or municipal law, and the capital difference is that there is a sanction for the one and no sanction for the other; that there is an outside force which compels in- 5 dividuals to obey the one, while there is no such outside force to compel obedience as regards the other. International law will, I believe, as the generations pass, grow stronger and stronger until in some way or other there develops the power to make it respected. But as yet 10 it is only in the first formative period. As yet, as a rule, each nation is of necessity obliged to judge for itself in matters of vital importance between it and its neighbors and actions must of necessity, where this is the case, be different from what they are where, as among private 15 citizens, there is an outside force whose action is all-powerful and must be invoked in any crisis of importance.

It is the duty of wise statesmen, gifted with the power of looking ahead, to try to encourage and build up every movement which will substitute or tend to substitute some 20 other agency for force in the settlement of international disputes. It is the duty of every honest statesman to try to guide the nation so that it shall not wrong any other nation. But as yet the great civilized peoples, if they are to be true to themselves and to the cause of humanity and 25 civilization, must keep ever in mind that in the last resort they must possess both the will and the power to resent wrongdoing from others. The men who sanely believe in a lofty morality preach righteousness; but they do not preach weakness, whether among private citizens or among 30 nations. We believe that our ideals should be high, but not so high as to make it impossible measurably to realize


them. We sincerely and earnestly believe in peace; but if peace and justice conflict, we scorn the man who would not stand for justice, though the whole world came in arms against him.

And now, my hosts, a word in parting. You and I belong to the only two republics among the great Powers of the world. The ancient friendship between France and the United States has been, on the whole, a sincere

and disinterested friendship. A calamity to you would 10 be a sorrow to us. But it would be more than that. In

the seething turmoil of the history of humanity certain nations stand out as possessing a peculiar power or charm, some special gift of beauty or wisdom or strength, which

puts them among the immortals, which makes them rank 15 forever with the leaders of mankind. France is one of

these nations. For her to sink would be a loss to all the world. There are certain lessons of brilliance and of generous gallantry that she can teach better than any of

her sister nations. When the French peasantry sang of 20 Malbrook," it was to tell how the soul of this warrior foe

took flight upward through the laurels he had won. Nearly seven centuries ago Froissart, writing of a time of dire disaster, said that the realm of France was never so stricken

that there were not left men who would valiantly fight 25 for it. You have had a great past. I believe that you

will have a great future. Long may you carry yourselves proudly as citizens of a nation which bears a leading part in the teaching and uplifting of mankind!


I CANNOT be with you, and so all I can do is to wish you Godspeed. There must be no sagging back in the fight for Americanism merely because the war is over. There are plenty of persons who have already made the assertion that they believe the American people have a 5 short memory, and that they intend to revive all the foreign associations which most directly interfere with the complete Americanization of our people.

Our principle in this matter should be absolutely simple. In the first place we should insist that if the im- 10 migrant who comes here does in good faith become an American and assimilates himself to us, he shall be treated on an exact equality with every one else, for it is an outrage to discriminate against any such man because of creed, or birthplace, or origin.

But this is predicted upon the man's becoming in very fact an American and nothing but an American. If he tries to keep segregated with men of his own origin and separated from the rest of America, then he isn't doing his part as an American.

There can be no divided allegiance here. Any man who says he is an American but something else also isn't an American at all. We have room for but one flag, the American flag, and this excludes the red flag, which symbolizes all wars against liberty and civilization just as 25 much as it excludes any foreign flag of a nation to which we are hostile.

We have room for but one language here and that is the English language, for we intend to see that the crucible



turns our people out as Americans, of American nationality, and not as dwellers in a polyglot boarding house; and we have room for but one soul loyalty, and that is loyalty to the American people.

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