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The killing of Lovejoy at Alton occurred some months after this. Lincoln was admitted to the bar in 1837, and established himself at Springfield, the newly made capital of Illinois.

There was "a great deal of flourishing around in carriages" there, so Lincoln wrote; social distinctions, also; and the aristocrats wore ruffled shirts and boots made to order.

Lincoln paid more attention to politics than law, was elected to the Legislature twice again, and participated in every campaign.

His law practice was not lucrative, sad to say.

From 1841 to 1851 Lincoln had his hands full.

He successfully wooed Mary Todd, a Kentucky girl, and was finally married, although he refused to appear at the altar on the first date set for his marriage; accepted a challenge to fight a duel with James A. Shields (which never came off); did a bit in the way of practicing law, and served a term in Congress.

Curiously enough, his rival for the hand of Miss Todd was Stephen A. Douglas, one of the candidates for President beaten by Lincoln in 1860.

LINCOLN'S PECULIAR WOOING OF HIS WIFE.

Lincoln's wooing and marriage were peculiarly Lincolnian.

At times an ardent swain, these periods of warm lovemaking were succeeded by coldness toward the object of his devotion. He was alternately attentive and neglectful. A more freakish lover never existed. He "zigzagged" wonderfully.

January 1st, 1841, was set for the wedding, but Lincoln was not in evidence. The bride, guests and supper were waiting, but the groom came not. He was found the next morning wandering about the streets, having been overcome by one of his attacks of melancholy.

Miss Todd was true, however, and the two were made man and wife on November 4th, 1842.

General Shields sent Lincoln a challenge not long before the latter's marriage. Several severe articles reflecting upon Shields had appeared in a local paper, and it was said the writer was Miss Todd.

Lincoln, assuming all responsibility, agreed to fight, selecting broadswords. Friends interfered, and no blood was shed. Shields rose to the rank of Major-General in the Civil War, Lincoln making the appointment. Congressional honors came in 1846, Lincoln being the only Whig in the Illinois delegation.

Lincoln made a speech in the House on the Mexican War, and referring to Texas, gave utterance to sentiments which read strangely now. Said he: "Any people anywhere, being inclined and having the power, have the right to rise up and shake off the existing government, and form a new one that suits them better.

"This is a most valuable, a most sacred right-a right which, we hope and believe, is to liberate the world.

"Nor is this right confined to cases in which the whole people of an existing government may choose to exercise it.

"Any portion of such people, that can, may revolutionize, and make their own of so much territory as they inhabit."

It should be thoroughly understood, however, that the case of the Texans (in the eyes of Lincoln) was in no ways to be put by the side of that of the Southerners who sought to forever take their States out of the Union.

The Texans had no rights whatever; they were under the dominion, rule and control of aliens; they had no voice in the government of themselves, with no representation in the law-making and tax-levying national body.

In saying that "any people * * have the right to * shake off the existing government," Lincoln did not mean to apply this to those who, already a part of a federation, and leading factors in its management, wished to break a solemn compact.

CHAPTER VIII.

LINCOLN'S AMBITION A HIGH ONE-NOMINATION FOR AND ELECTION TO THE PRESIDENCY-HIS TEN

DENCY TO GLOOM AND DESPONDENCY.

66

"W

HILE all seems dead, the age itself is not; it liveth as our
Master liveth.

"Under all this seeming want of life and motion, the world does move, nevertheless.

"Be hopeful; *

let us appeal to the people."

These were the words of Lincoln upon his return from the Illinois (Republican) State Convention in May, 1856, a body composed of delegates representing the opposition to "anti-Nebraska" legislation, slavery and State rights.

Indifference and disapproval marked Lincoln's reception by the citizens of Springfield. They resented his prominence in the convention, where he delivered a speech of wonderful earnestness and power.

Lincoln was not surprised at the attitude of his fellow citizens; in fact, he had anticipated it. His response to the insults heaped upon him was as effective as an electric shock from a highly-charged battery, and his cry of "let us appeal to the people!" rang throughout the land.

Lincoln was more than a local politician; he had outgrown communities, and even States; in 1855 he led the early balloting in the Legislature when a United States Senator was voted for, and would have been chosen had not the support of the rabid Abolitionists frightened away several antiDouglas Democrats who had intended to vote for him.

In the Republican National Convention of 1856 he received one hundred and ten votes for the Vice-Presidential nomination. His name was also on the Republican electoral ticket.

Lincoln's ambition being no small one, he sought the highest game when he hunted; he neglected no opportunity to make his name known; his shrewdness was sharpened to the keenest edge, and his adroitness won many a victory. He never avowed an intention of seeking the Presidency. until after his defeat for the United States Senate by Douglas, in 1858. In

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that year the Republican State Convention endorsed Lincoln-the Democratic State Convention doing the same for Douglas-for the Senatorship. Douglas won the Senatorship, but his triumph was a prime factor in placing Lincoln in the White House.

Douglas, the "Little Giant" of the National Democracy, was the most conspicuous Democrat in public life from 1852 to 1860. He was a candidate for the Presidential nomination in 1852 and 1856, the prize in each instance falling to men much his inferiors in ability. His contempt for President Buchanan was so strong that he quarreled with the Chief Magistrate, and told him plainly he was "not the leader of the Democratic party -only President of the United States."

Douglas instinctively felt that Lincoln was the man of the future. Instead of treating his opponent with disdain, he promptly accepted the challenge to debate. When the campaign of oratory was over, Douglas said he had rather meet any other man in the country on the platform than "that gawky Lincoln."

The latter had fully realized that the surest way to attract the attention of the Nation was to meet Douglas, and in this he exhibited much shrewd

ness.

Douglas was indispensable to Lincoln at that time; and it is among the plausible probabilities that had the two never met Abraham Lincoln would never have been President of the United States.

Things political were badly mixed in 1858, and it was hard to decide upon the proper or profitable course.

Douglas had voted in the Senate against several of the Administration's pro-slavery measures, and enthusiasts like Horace Greeley—and even conservative men like Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana (Vice-President during Grant's first term), Henry Wilson (elected Vice-President with Grant in 1872) advocated the nomination of Douglas for the Presidency by the Republican National Convention of 1860.

LINCOLN'S "DIVIDED HOUSE" SPEECH.

Before his endorsement by the Illinois convention for the Senatorship Lincoln prepared a speech of acceptance, and read it at a gathering of friends.

His admirers, with one exception, asserted it would cause his ruin if delivered.

These were some of the paragraphs:

"If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do and how to do it.

"We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. "Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented.

"In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed.

"A house divided against itself cannot stand.'

"I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free.

"I do not expect the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided.

"It will become all one thing or all the other.

"Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States-old as well as new, 'North as well as South.

"Our cause, then, must be intrusted to and conducted by its own undoubted friends-those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in the work-who do care for the result.

"The result is not doubtful.

"We shall not fail-if we stand firm, we shall not fail.

"Wise counsels may accelerate or mistakes delay it, but sooner or later the victory is sure to come."

Consternation, condemnation and dismay were pictured on the countenances of Lincoln's friends, but no argument had the slightest effect upon him. He had worked his way to a conviction, and was immovable; and when Lincoln once made up his mind he was as steadfast as the eternal hills.

That speech was delivered June 17th, 1858, word for word, as written. Lincoln knew when to use language so daring and advanced in tone and sentiment.

His friends did not possess his prophetic sense.

In defense of this speech of June 17th, Lincoln, a short time after its delivery—although he knew any defense whatever was superfluous-said a few words to an immense audience in Springfield (the majority of which was not overfriendly), and was loudly cheered.

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