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Referendum, What Englishmen Think of the, 463.
First Day of Rosebery's Government, 400.
The Music of Russia, 88.
St. Paul, A Jewish View of, 716.
The King of Siam, 601.
Women and Jewels in Siam, 216.
394, 520, 592, 646.
Louisiana versus Free Sugar, 391.
The Income Tax, 70, 195.
Law, 199, 325, 523.
A Coming Temperance Congress, 652.
The Actor and His Role, 209.
Portraits, 24, 173.
Relief in American Ci ies, 29, 179, 295, 319.
The Problem of the Unemployed, 73.
the Fair, 14.
THE REVIEW OF REVIEWS, AMERICAN EDITION, EDITED BY ALBERT SHAW
The Review of Reviews is published each month in New York and London, the two editions differing in many features,
Mowbray House, Norfolk St., Strand, London.
CONTENTS FOR JANUARY 1894.
With reproductions from American and foreign Car-
With portraits of Lord and Lady Aberdeen and other
With portrait of M. Tschaikowsky.
With portrait of F. H. Cowen.
THE REVIEW OF REVIEWS.
NEW YORK, JANUARY, 1894.
THE PROGRESS OF THE WORLD.
THE HE two foremost topics of the day are the pro more fatuous and more hopelessly stupid than the atposed changes in the tariff, and the relief of
tempt to reconcile the American tariff system either the unemployed. At no previous time in the history
with doctrinaire protectionism or with doctrinaire of the United States have so many people been out of free-trade. Practical men ought to be able to conwork. Thousands of factories are closed altogether ;
struct a workable tariff, and party zeal ought to borand thousands of others are running with reduced
row patriotism enough to let that tariff alone when it forces. The depressed condition of trade has so
is constructed. lessened the volume of traffic that the railroads have been compelled to dismiss thousands of employees,
If a country is to have a general and while many roads have cut down the wages of the Tariff highly complicated system of combined
Revision. men retained. The curtailed purchasing power of
revenue and protective tariff imposts, the the working people, due to the diminished proportions one clear maxim to be asserted over and over again of the total wage fund, has affected merchants and concerning it is this: Change it only for the best of middlemen of all classes, and they in turn have been causes, and do not change it too frequently. And compelled to reduce the number of their employees. the reason for this maxim lies in a principle which The causes that have produced this condition of we may express as follows: It is upon the whole things are doubtless very complex. Probably the easier for business to adjust itself to the tariff than greatest cause has been the timidity and hesitancy of for the tariff to adjust itself to business. Herein is capital, on account of the protracted agitation of to be found the chief objection to the new Wilson monetary and tariff questions. Evidently, the col tariff measure. Like the McKinley measure, this lapses of credit in Australia and Argentina, which also is a general and highly complicated system of compelled European investors to withdraw great combined revenue and protective tariff imposts. It quantities of capital from the United States, played is just as truly a protective tariff in all its principles their part in disturbing the business situation here. and methods as any of its predecessors,-providing What is wanted now, more than all things else, is a one is willing to admit that a fence remains a fence cessation of tariff tinkering and currency tinkering even when some of the top boards are knocked off. for partisan ends. An afflicted nation would shed The Wilson bill in no sense involves a reversal of the tears of gratitude if a non-partisan tariff commission plan of Republican tariffs ; it is simply an elaborate and a non-partisan currency commission could be ap revision of them. The practical difficulties met by pointed to report a tariff measure by February 1, and the Wilson committee have been enormous. Notha currency measure by April 1, both reports to be ac ing illustrates them better than the mere statement cepted unanimously by Congress and signed by the that within some two weeks after Mr. Wilson and his President,—with concurrent resolutions by Congress, Democratic colleagues had finished and announced by State legislatures, by Boards of Trade, and various their work, they made more than two hundred addiother public bodies, to the effect that the two meas tional changes in it. Business had begun to adjust ures ought by common consent and understanding to itself to the tariff of 1890. If the Wilson bill is remain substantially unchanged for ten years. The adopted, -as, after much discussion and amendcontinual agitation of the tariff question in this coun ing, it is likely to be,- business must begin try can be compared to nothing but the continual re some months hence to shape itself to the altered currence of revolutions in some South American coun schedules, with no warrant for a feeling of permatries. The existing partisan treatment of the ques nence and security. For, if the Republicans should tion is as disastrous to business as a civil war, and it be returned to power in 1896, they would probably is absurd beyond the power of words to characterize rebuild the tariff fence in a different enough way to it. Since the days of the endless metaphysical dis- require general readjustments once more. Would it cussions of the schoolmen, there has been nothing not have been in better keeping with announced
alone until that date, the country would be satisfied. The six years would give trade and industry the necessary chance to prepare deliberately for the change, and the transition would not be violent when it came. The free-trade ideal, which the Democrats espoused with such enthusiasm at Chicago, would by this means be ushered in completely and triumphantly in a short period. But, in our candid opinion, the plans now decided upon by the Wilson committee, far from doing anything at all towards proinoting the transfer from a protective to a purely revenue policy, will have just the opposite effect by provoking a reaction that will restore the Republicans and perpetuate the Republican tariff policy. Resumption of specie payment was accomplished by the simple and obvious plan of annoumcing a date far enough ahead to allow the country to accommodate itself to the approaching fact. The question to-day is not whether the Wilson bill is better than the McKinley bill, but whether it is worth while to further disturb business by substituting one makeshift policy for another. Why not tolerate the existing makeshift, which has the advantage of being a known quantity, upon the understanding that in the year 1900 we shall enter upon an era of free trade ?
The principal communities of the United Relieving the States are entering upon the business of Unemployed.
providing relief for the unemployed with a thoroughness of purpose, and a practical wisdom as
HON. WILLIAM L. WILSON, OF WEST VIRGINIA,
Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee.
Democratic principles if the Wilson bill had been framed upon more permanent and radical lines, with a view to a material change of policy several years hence? What possible objection could there be to a long notice? Some of the McKinley schedules were arranged to go into effect several years after the bill was adopted. It would be entirely feasible for Congress to declare that the new tariff would go into operation in 1895 ; making the date exactly five years after the McKinley act took effect. This would serve at least three good purposes. It would, first, enable the Democrats to prepare a measure much more faithfully in accord with their platform ; second, it would relieve the existing uncertainty that paralyzes industrial activities, and, third, it would form a valuable precedent against rapid and haphazard tariff changes. The country is in no haste for a myriad of puzzling and embarrassing changes of detail in the tariff schedules, while the main outlines of the system remain.
If the Democrats had the statesmanWhy Not Wait Until the ship to pass a measure absolutely disYear 1900 ?
carding every vestige of the protective system, and substituting a clear, simple, unmistakable plan of national taxation for revenue only, fixing January 1, 1900, as the time for this new policy to take effect, and agreeing to let the McKinley law