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the whole social structure, excepting the immutable CAUSES OF FAILURE IN "BOOM" TOWNS. laws of matter and of force, there is nothing so inflexible as written laws. Common law, customs, N the Engineering Magazine, Mr. H. S. Fleming habits, fashion, all undergo incessant adjustment to reviews the history of “boom” towns in the contacts with surrounding things; even prejudices
years between 1884 and 1889. The secret of the failare perceptibly modified by changed conditions ; but ure of "boom" towns is attributed to “ the fact that statutes are the same to-day, to-morrow, and for promoters and investors discounted the future while everlasting-or, strictly speaking, until the sluggish
deliberately closing their eyes to the present. They action of the legislative body sees fit to modify or re disregarded the common rules of business with a perpeal them, which amounts to about the same thing." sistence and blind obstinacy truly marvelous. Never
Mr. Crosby concludes : “ The advocates of State stopping to reason, they plunged into a sea strewn control propose to abolish the unceasing and infinitely with half covered reefs of financial ruin, and allowed flexible force-competition, and to put in its place the the wind of excitement and enthusiasm to blow them sleepiest and most inflexible force of the whole social about at will, and when they finally struck a rock body—legislative-made laws. If this were done can and were wrecked, they blamed not themselves, their any man compute the loss ? !
greed, or their blind impetuosity, but the town, its
overestimated resources, and everything else which THE CAUSE OF STRIKES.
failed to meet their hopes, forgetting that the facts
were before them all the time." R. ARTHUR A. FREEMAN concludes an ar
DISREGARD OF BUSINESS PRINCIPLES. ticle on the “ History of Strikes and Lock-outs in America," appearing in the Engineering Magazine, In the opinion of Mr. Fleming, 90 per cent. of the with the firm conviction that these labor conflicts towns “boomed " in the Southern States, which have cannot be due to the conspiring body of a few selfish proved failures, would now be in a healthy and prosagitators, but must be inevitably the results of the perous condition had they been started and carried system of free industries.” He finds since 1886 that on in the manner usual in business enterprises. “As labor organizations have lost considerable ground, it is,” he says, “ the collapse of the boom' together and that to-day even the most powerful unions find it with the past three years of financial depression impossible to get their demands by great strikes and has dealt them a serious blow from which they “ tie-ups,” but he has also discovered that the dangers have been slow to recover. A movement for the betand evils of collisions between employers and work ter started some time ago, but it has been 'slow, men are greater now than they ever were. 6. The old very quiet and very earnest. Big factories and works trades-unionist had no sympathy whatever with State have changed hands, the new owners securing them socialistic notions, and was careful to disavow his for a small part of the original cost and starting with responsibility for revolutionary attacks on the funda a limited force, producing only as much as can readmental principles of industrial society. He merely ily and profitably be disposed of. This movement is insisted on what seemed to him 'a fair day's wage for general, and is the precursor of a substantial indusa fair day's work, and repudiated the radical pro trial growth which will soon be beyond the reach of gramme of expropriation and abolition of private en booms' or any other undue inflation of values." terprise. He had no quarrel with free competition, Mr. Fleming asserts that there have been few towns property, profits, or the right of the employer to be boomed in which some real merit did not exist, and his own master. He claimed the right to strike, to boy believes that had the promoters been willing to go to cott, and to act in concert with his fellows; but he did work on a legitimate basis, great good would have renot, theoretically, go any greater length. He occasion sulted where there is now ruin. “ The reason why ally resorted to violence, but this was done in the these boom towns have failed to succeed according to heat and excitement of struggle, and no justification the expectations of the promoters will be apparent was ever attempted of any destruction of property or after a moment's consideration of the conditions interference with liberty. To-day, however, a totally necessary for the growth of a town. Basing its different spirit pervades and controls the world of or prosperity upon its possibilities as a manufacturing ganized labor. The 'new unionisın' has virtually es centre and granting that it possesses all the repoused the State socialistic doctrine that free com sources and railway facilities necessary for such purpetition and private enterprise are incompatible with pose, it must secure the establishment of various the interests of labor, and strikes are regarded as the manufacturing enterprises. These will need many preliminary encounters which hasten the inevitable employees, who will buy provisions, household goods, final conflict between capital and labor. The more clothing and the various necessaries of life from desperate the situation, the greater the danger of vio stores. In this way the basis of mercantile business lence and reckless disregard of bounds set by justice is established. To carry on the business banks are or law. It behooves us, therefore, to give earnest necessary for convenience and safety in handling consideration to the labor problem,' and by securing money. Thus the financial end is founded. This is to labor its due, deprive it of all excuse for aggres the theory of boom towns, but it is too nearly elysian sion. To avert State socialism, it is necessary to to be found in practice. In the first place, the enterestablish economic justice and equal freedom." prises secured were not altogether adapted to the par
DEMANDS OF THE PARTY.
ticular resources of the place and those which were policy ; while Populists demand gold, silver and not had a small chance of succeeding, and those paper money, all equally full legal tender. which were so suited were almost invariably started • It is evident," Senator Peffer continues, " that we on such an extensive scale and so hampered with must have more money, and Congress alone is authorenormous capitalization bonds and debts that in a ized to prepare it. Populists demand not only a suffinancial sense alone their continuance was doubtful." ficiency of money, but a reduction of interest rates at
least as low as the general level of the people's savings. THE MISSION OF THE POPULIST PARTY.
They aver that with interest at present legal and
actual rates, an increase in the volume of money in N the North American Review, Senator Peffer, of
the country would be of little permanent benefit, for
bankers and brokers would control its circulation, Party."
just as they do now. But with interest charges re
duced to three or two per cent. the business of the He summarizes as follows the demands of the money lender would be no more profitable than that party :
of the farmer-and why should it be? “1. An exclusively national currency in amount
GOVERNMENT RAILROADS. amply sufficient for all the uses for which money is needed by the people, to consist of gold and silver
“While the Populist party favors government coined on equal terms, and government paper, each
ownership and control of railroads, it wisely leaves and all legal tender in payment of debts of whatever
for future consideration the means by which such nature or amount, receivable for taxes and all public ownership and control can best be brought about. dues.
The conditions which seem to make necessary such a “2. That rates of interest for the use of money be re
change in our transportation system preclude all probduced to the level of average net profits in productive ability of its ever being practicable, if it were desirindustries.
able, to purchase the existing railway lines. The “3. That the means of public transportation be total capitalization of railroads in the United States brought under public control, to the end that carriage
in 1890 was put at $9,871,378,389-nearly ten thousand shall not cost more than it is reasonably worth, and
million dollars. It would be putting the figures high that charges may be made uniform.
to say that the roads are worth one-half the amount “4. That large private land holdings be discouraged
of their capital stock. This leaves a fictitious value by law,”
of $5,000,000,000 which the people must maintain for The charge made against Populists that they favor
the roads by transportation charges twice as high as paternalism in government is refuted by Senator they would be if the capitalization were only half as Peffer. “ They only demand,” he says, “ that popular
much. It is the excessive capitalization which the functions shall be exercised by public agents, and
people have to maintain that they complain about. It that soveriegn power shall not be delegated to private
would be an unbusinesslike proceeding for the people persons or corporations having only private interests to purchase roads when they could build better ones to serve. They would popularize government to the just where and when they are needed for less than end that it may accomplish the work for which it half the money that would be required to clear these was established—to serve the people, all the people, companies' books. It is conceded that none of the not only a few.” If it be paternalisin, he asks, to re
highly capitalized railroad corporations expect to pay quire the government to look after any of the private
their debts. If they can keep even on interest acinterests of the people, why do we not drive from our
count they do'well, and that is all they are trying grounds as a tramp the postman who delivers our to do. While charges have been greatly reduced, mail?
they are still based on capitalization, and courts have
held that the companies are entitled to reasonable THE ONLY PARTY IN FAVOR OF GOOD MONEY.
profits on their investment. The people have but one Senator Peffer declares that the Populist party is safe remedy-to construct their own roads as needed, the only party that honestly favors good money. and then they will ‘own and control' them. “ Democrats and Republicans alike declare their “ This is not a new doctrine. A select committee of purpose to make all dollars equally good and to main the Senate of the United States, at the head of which tain the parity between them, and the recent act of was Hon. William Windom, then a Senator and afterCongress repealing the purchasing clause of the Sher ward Secretary of the Treasury, appointed in Decemman law contains a similar declaration ; but when ber, 1872, reported among other recommendations one an amendment was proposed to the bill in the Senate proposing the construction of a government freight to make good the platform promises by incorporating railway,' for the purpose of effectively regulating inthem in the law, there were not enough Senators in terstate commerce. A government freight railway favor of it to secure a yea and nay vote on the amend would have no capitalization, no debt, bonded or ment. We have seven different kinds of money, and otherwise ; its charges would be only what it would only one of them is good, according to the determina cost to handle the traffic and keep the road in repair, tion of the Treasury officials-gold coin; and Repub That would reduce cost of carriage to a minimum, licans and Democrats are agreed on continuing that and nothing else will."
DO WE PAY OUR OFFICIALS ENOUGH ? with a salary about equal to that paid some of their N the American Journal of Politics, Mr. Charles
" The judges of the United States Supreme Court the last degree in the allotment of cash remuneration
receive but $10,000 a year, while the salary of the to our powers that be. He thinks that this is per
Chief Justice of the United States, our highest judihaps most decidedly the case with our ambassadors,
cial officer, is only $10,500. Not long since it was ruand that $17,000 per year for a first class diplomatic mored that Chief Justice Fuller intended resigning in representative is a pittance which will allow only the
order to accept the position of counsel to an Illinois richest men to take such positions. The establish
railroad company, at a salary which would enable ments which these gentlemen have to keep up to do
him to leave something to his family in the event of
his death. credit to us cost far more than this amount of money.
The possibility of such a rumor being Mr. Robinson tells us that the French Ambassador to
true is a national disgrace. The salary of the Lord England has a salary of $60,000 and still his necessary
Chief Justice of England is $40,000 a year, while the
Lord Chancellor receives $50.000 a year while in office expenses encroach upon his private fortune, while Sir Julian Pauncefote, British Ambassador at Wash
and a pension of $25,000 for life. The lords of appeal ington, gets $30,000 a year and a house free. This
receive $30,000 a year, and all the other judges get writer thinks that it is no uncommon thing for our
$25,000. No matter how high a position a man attains ministers to be put to an actual expense per year of
at the English bar, his ambition is a seat on the bench. $100,000, and if that is the case, we can well believe
What a change would come over the judiciary if the
leaders of our bar could only be induced and encourhis statement that the appointment to an embassy is a most costly luxury.
aged to accept office! This can only be done by a
liberal increase in the salaries now paid to our judges. Not only with foreign representatives but also with our home officials are we, according to Mr. Robinson,
“ It is the same story all through the bluebook. niggardly to an unwise degree. He doesn't think
The United States commissioner of education only $8,000 a year sufficient for a cabinet officer who is ex
gets $3,000 a year. In England the same officer repected to live at the rate of $20,000 a year or more.
ceives $10,000. Our patent commissioner gets $2,500
a year less than the English commissioner, whose AS COMPARED WITH ENGLAND.
province is so much smaller. The commander-in“As a matter of fact, most of the best talent, as chief of the British army gets $33,000 a year ; the well as the stanchest integrity, is to be found among general commanding the United States army receives men of small means. The consensus of opinion seems
nothing in addition to his salary as major-general, to be overwhelming that the pay of our cabinet min
which is only $7,500. So again, a rear admiral in isters should be largely increased, and it is to be
England receives $13,600 ; with us he gets $6,000 when hoped that when Congress comes to deal with the
at sea and $5,000 when on shore duty. The speaker subject it will show a generous disposition. The of the House of Commons gets $25,000 a year and a English secretaries of state get $25,000 a year each, house free; the deputy speaker gets $12,500, and the and, after serving five years, are entitled to a pension clerk of the house gets $10,000, while the clerk of the of $10,000 a year for life. Indeed, many of the under
House of Lords gets $15,000. The secretary of our secretaries and clerks in the English departments re
Senate, which is the equivalent position here, receives ceive larger salaries than our cabinet officers. During
but $6,000, and the clerk of the House of Representathe last session of Congress a bill was passed cutting
tives gets $5,000. The speaker and the president pro down the salaries of the assistant secretaries from
tem of the United States Senate get the same as the $4,500 to $3,500. This is certainly a move in the wrong vice-president, $8,000, which is only $3,000 in addition direction. So again, while our attorney and solicitor to their salaries." general only get $8,000 and $7,000 salary respectively, the English law officers of the same rank re HOW TO FIND THE MONEY FOR OLD AGE ceive $35,000 and $30,000 a year, and until this year
PENSIONS. were permitted to continue their private practice.
itarian, his favorite scheme for “the taxation have relinquished that privilege, but they still re
of pleasure,” with a view to providing the funds ceive in addition to the salary, fees for contentious
requisite for old age pensions. He proposes to lay a business.
tax of one penny in the shilling on every ticket for COULD OUR BEST LAWYERS BE JUDGES ?
admission to the theatres, race meetings, and other Mr. Robinson thinks it is rather too much to expect places of amusement. He quotes a number of favorour lawyers of the first class, who have practices able opinions he has received, among others, from the worth $50,000 a year or more, to elect to become late Lord Iddesleigh, the late Lord Addington, the judges at one-twelfth such an income, and he thinks Earl of Meath, the Bishop of London, Lord Compton, that many prominent lights of the legal profession are Mr. Herbert Glandstone, Mr. Thomas Burt and Rev. debarred froin doing public service because they can H. Price Hughes. He urges as the advantage of not afford it.
such taxes that they fall on the surplus money of the “ Imagine Mr. Choate, Mr. Parsons or Mr. Coudert people ; on unproductive labor, and would hardly be throwing up their private practice for a judgeship felt at all.
they MR: MD.HOL YOAKE reinforces, in the Human
THE MANNERS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. “In every other parliamentary assembly that I USTIN MCCARTHY, in the North American Re
know of, each member has his assigned and recogview, attempts to convey to the American mind
nized place, which he holds until the end, either of a clear understanding of the ways of the House of
the session or of the parliament. In most other parLords and House of Commons.
liaments that I know of, each member has a desk to The chief distinction he draws between the House
write on while the House is carrying on its debate. of Commons and other political assemblies of repre
In the House of Commons there is no desk for any sentative men is that the House of Commons alone member, and the rule is that no man is to write a has the practice of not providing seats enough for its
line or take a note or read a book or a newspaper in members to sit down in. “You may be elected to
the debating chamber itself, except for the actual the House of Commons by an overwhelming majority
purposes of that debate. You may take a note of of voters. Your return may be recognized as valid
something said in the speech of a man to which you and certain beyond the possibility of petition or ad
propose to reply You may hold in your hand a cutting verse decision from the judges who deal with ques
from a newspaper containing an account of some facts tions of electoral law. You may have been formally
by which you propose to strengthen your reply. But introduced to the House of Commons by two political
you must not write an ordinary letter or glance for comrades, one walking at either side. You may, thus
your own amusement at a book or a newspaper. If escorted, have walked up the floor of the House to
you `venture to do anything of the kind you have the the table where the gowned and wigged clerks are
Sergeant-at-Arms down upon you at once with gentle sitting just under the august throne of Mr. Speaker.
but firm admonition. You may have handed in the certificate of your “I have never quite understood why the House of election. You may have signed the roll. I wonder
Commons should be considered a highly orderly aswhy one's hand shakes as he signs that roll. I sembly. I never, during my long acquaintance with have signed it, I think, six times at successive elec
the House of Commons, could understand where tions, and my hand always quivered m the process.
its title to be considered an orierly and decorous You may have sworn the prescribed oath and shaken legislative assembly came in. The recent riotthe Speaker's hand of formal welcome. And yet have
for it was nothing short of a riot during the short you found a seat in the House of Commons? Noth
time it lasted-in the House of Commons, was mainly ing of the kind. You are a member of the House, to
caused by the fact that men were pent up so closely be sure, just as much as Mr. Gladstone is—but have together that the movement of one man from his place you got a seat in the House? No, you have not-at suggested to another man that he who first sought to least, you have not got a place to sit down in.
push his way through must have had it in his mind • The House of Commons has some six hundred to assault somebody. But without considering the and seventy meinbers, and it has seats for little more recent riot the House of Commons is almost the than half the number. Even if we take into account noisest and rudest legislative assembly with which I the members' galleries, which run along two sides of
have any manner of personal acquaintance. the chamber, there still is not nearly room enough for all the men who are entitled to take their places
Mr. T. P. O'Connor's Account. in the House of Commons. What are the members to do who have not got seats? They are to do the
A vivid and valuable description of “The House best they can—to do anything they like short of tak of Commons: Its Structure, Rules, and Habits," is ing seats in the House. They may crowd the bar-I contributed to Harper's by Mr. T. P. O'Connor, M.P. do not mean any place of refreshment, although they It is an interesting instance of what may be termed may crowd that bar, too, if they please ; I mean they the comparative study of legislatures. Beginning may stand below the line which is supposed to rep
with the attendance at prayers, Mr. O'Connor exresent the brass bar that can, when occasion re plains Mr. Labouchere's regular and “pious attenquires, be drawn out from either side, and so con
tion” to the chaplain's ministrations on the ground joined as to represent the division between some pe of his wanting to secure his favorite seat, and “the titioner, or some alleged offender, and the House of rule is inflexible that a seat can be held only for Commons itself. They may stay in the newspaper one night, and that then it shall be won by attendance room or the tea room ; they may fall asleep in the at prayers.” The cry of “Speaker, Speaker,” which library; they may walk on the terrace; they may heralds that official's entry into the House, is delounge in the smoking room, but they cannot sit in scribed as “ a shout which has a strange indefinable the House. As in England there are so many superflu
effect, however often heard, and stirs the blood someous women who could not possibly find husbands here, what as the dreams of De Quincey were moved by under our present matrimonial system, so in the the recollection of the Roman consul passing over the House of Commons there are so many members who Appian Way. It sounds like a reminiscence and mocannot possibly find seats. The struggle for seats mentary embodiment of all fierce struggle, orafrom day to day is a curious and interesting compe torial triumphs, tragic and world-shaking events tition, of which, so far as I know, the English House which are associated with the history of the august of Commons has an absolute monopoly.
Parliament of Great Britain."
DESK OR NO DESK.
ernment than the questions that stand daily on the On this question Mr. O'Connor pronounces a trifle
order paper. They sometimes run up to nearly a unexpectedly: “A striking difference between the
hundred, and they occupy one or two hours in being House of Commons and the legislatures of America
asked and answered. . . It is a period of suris that the House of Commons has no desks for its prise, excitement, laughter, rage. . All other members. They sit close beside each other, with
times are tame and eventless in comparison. nothing but the back of the next bench in front of
“ There is an idea among those unacquainted with them. There is a small receptacle in front where one
the House of Commons, and acquainted with the gencan lay a few papers, but, as a rule, the ordinary mem
eral sombreness and reserve of the English character, ber of the House of Commons has nowhere to hold
that the House of Commons is an extremely quiet and his papers save in his hands—that is, while he is in decorous assembly. The very reverse is the case. It the House.
is boisterous, noisy and as responsive as an Æolian “ The first thing that struck me in the House of
harp to every passing mood.” Representatives when I visited it was the much larger
“THAT LITTLE WORD HEAR, HEAR." attendance there than in the House of Commons. Except at certain hours of the evening, when the
Mr. O'Connor confesses that meetings in England business is rather exciting, the attendance in the and Scotland, consisting in the majority of EnglishHouse of Commons is very small, not usually as many
men or Scotchmen, are “much more enthusiastic as the quorum of forty ; whereas in Washington the than his Irish-American audiences. “ Indeed, it is greater number of the members are usually present
only after considerable experience that the speaker at least throughout a good portion of the day.
from Europe gets accustomed to the coldness of “ The second thing that struck me at Washington
American audiences. At first it is most depressing was the amount of noise. It seemed to me impossible
and disheartening. There are many reasons for this that any man could speak amid the din by which he feeling, but I believe one of the chief of them is the was surrounded. There is as much noise in the absence of that little word 'Hear, hear!'" House of Representatives, whenever even a good
“ • Hear, hear !' is the one form of expressing speaker is addressing it, as there is in Westminster emotion which the House of Commons knows." when everyone is engaged in putting down a bore.
WHO WOULD BE A WHIP? This is largely due to the fact that the members in Washington are busy with their correspondence, and Of the whips Mr. O'Connor has much to say that is therefore can distract their attention from the gratifying to British self-esteem. “ To Americans, speaker.
with whom interest in politics is largely circum“On the whole I prefer our system ; and so, I be scribed, nothing can be much more astonishing than lieve, do some of the leading men of the American the class of men who are willing to perform certain Congress. I had a conversation with Mr. Reed while political duties in England. Of all occupations, one he was Speaker of the House of Representatives, and would suppose that of whip would be the very last I understood him to say that he thought the abolition
which would be coveted by any man in the possession of the desk would lead to a reform in the methods of of his senses, and not driven to the acceptance of a the House of Representatives. The absence of the
hard lot by the eternal want of pence. For here are desk certainly concentrates the attention of the House some of the duties of senior whip: He has to read all on the speaking, and in that way makes speaking the newspapers every morning, and give an idea of more actual and debating more real.”
their contents to the leader of the House of Commons.
This means that he must rise pretty early. He has RESPONSIVE AS AN ÆOLIAN HARP."
then to see the wire pullers, and have a consultation After observing that “though there is ample ac about the selection of a candidate for a constituency. commodation for dining in the House of Commons, It may be that he has to settle one of those nasty very few people avail themselves of it,” most mem little disputes which arise even in the best-regulated bers liking to get a breath of fresher air than that of parties. He has to attend to the demand of his party the House of Commons, and the diner-out being still for speakers to assist at some open-air or indoor dema power in London, Mr. O'Connor confesses that onstration. . . He has not only to be present when though the House of Commons is a very sober as the House meets; he has also to remain there until sembly, there are not always wanting indications of the very last division has been taken, and finally he the enjoyment of the evening meal and its accom has to move that the House adjourn." paniments."
Yet “this office, with all its anxieties, is eagerly To “ question-time" – an institution of which he sought by all kinds of people.” Lord Richard Grosstrongly approves—"there is nothing in an American venor, whose high rank and wealth is dwelt upon by legislature to correspond,” members of the American Mr. O'Connor, was whip in the specially trying years being excluded from both Houses of Congress. 1880-1885. Mr. O'Connor does not think that he “ could “There is nothing which gives a more perfect idea give a better illustration of the difference between of the vast extent and the strangely heteregeneous the way in which the rich in England and in America composition of the British dominion and British gov look upon political life and political office.”