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WASHINGTON.

Aberdeen No. 573-V. T. Evans, box 824.
Bellingham No. 355-E. C. Jones, box 26.
Everett No. 410-J. B. Wilcox, 1309 Thirty-second

street.

North Yakima No. 614-H. L. Jones, care Quick Print.

Olympia No. 142-George L. Levy, 410 Fifth st. Pullman No. 678-C. H. Talmage.

Seattle No. 202- -R. M. McCullough, box 556. Spokane Falls No. 193-W. D. Wheaton, 28 Wolverton block.

Tacoma No. 170-E. J. Leavelle, 208 National Bank of Commerce building.

Walla Walla No. 388-H. F. Hiemenz, box 309.

WEST VIRGINIA.

Bluefield No. 644-J. F. Shelton, Gilmer street. Charleston No. 146-Mrs. K. E. Snyder, 1577 Washington street.

Clarksburg No. 372-J. W. Walden, 126 Dodge Court.

Huntington No. 533-W. W. Meadows, box 733. Morgantown No. 598-Marshall F. Squires, Ridge

way avenue.

Wellsburg No. 607-W. F. Elcesser, 606 Main st. Wheeling No. 79-W. C. Jones, 63 Indiana ave.

WISCONSIN.

Appleton, Neenah and Menasha No. 612-P. F.
Arens, 905 Second street, Menasha, Wis.
Eau Claire No. 558-Mary Fitzpatrick, 174 Belle-

vue avenue.

Fond du Lac No. 31-A. C. Drenning, 93 Armory. Green Bay No. 344-Olaf Olsen, 1220 N. State. Kenosha No. 116-J. B. Mayer, 311 N. Chicago. La Crosse No. 448-J. J. Serres, 1007 S. 6th st. Madison No. 106-E. J. Mergen, 212 Marion st. Manitowoc No. 431-A. M. G. Dusold, 623 Jay. Milwaukee No. 23-Joseph La Fleur, 720 Majestic building.

Oshkosh No. 211-Henry A. Misfeldt, 457 Ceape street.

Racine No. 324-F. A. Parker, 1133 Center. Superior No. 163--J. H. Somerville, box 63. Watertown No. 618-Emil Doerr, 606 North Water street.

Waukesha No. 545-E. M. Pelton, 18 Baxter st. WYOMING.

Roek Springs No. 563-F. B. Crumley, 202 North Front street.

Sheridan No. 264-Charles Miners, box 422. Wyoming No. 184 (Cheyenne)--Charles 1717 Carey avenue.

GERMAN-AMERICAN UNIONS.

Aney,

General Secretary-Hugo Miller, Newton Claypool building, Indianapolis. Ind.

1, Philadelphia, Pa.-August Geis, 543 N. Allison. 2, Cincinnati, Ohio-Otto Gerrmann, .1129 Greenup street, Covington, Ky.

3, St. Louis, Mo.-Jacob Eberhard, 2706a Arsenal. 4, Buffalo, N. Y.-W. F. Beelke, 178 Howard st. 5, Rochester, N. Y.-A. G. Sticler, 189 Tremont

street.

6, Cleveland, Ohio-B. F. Hoehner, 10c8 E. Sev

enty-ninth.

7, New York, N. Y.-Paul H. Schubert, 14 North William street.

8, Newark, N. J.-Jos. A. Heim. 30 Ridgewood av. 9, Chicago, Ill.--C. F. Moser, 4233 N. Avers av. 10, Milwaukee, Wis.-Christ. Thren, 653 Twentyfifth.

11, Baltimore, Md.-Adolph Richter, 631 S. Paca. 12, Louisville, Ky.-Charles Hoffman, Pewee Valley, Oldham county, Kentucky. 13, St. Paul and Minneapolis, Minn.-William Schonheiter, 378 Grotto st., St. Paul, Minn. 14, Indianapolis, Ind.-Adolph Hahn, 705 Weghorst street.

15, Evansville, Ind.-John Koenig, 536 Taylor ave. 16, Pittsburg, Pa.-Christ Schmidt, 703 Brookline boulevard.

18, Belleville, Ill.-John Farmbauer, care Post and Zeitung.

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17, Cincinnati, Ohio-Albert Volz, 808 Main st. 18, San Francisco, Cal.-Harry C. Littell, 2101 Fourteenth avenue, East Oakland, Cal.

19, Memphis, Tenn.-A. W. Davis, 680 Fifth st. 20, Providence, R. I.-Patrick J. Collins, 70 Arnold street.

21, Salt Lake, Utah-George A. Wishmeyer, care Tribune.

22, Pittsburg, Pa.-H. J. Waizenhofer, 52 Ruth street, Mount Washington, Pittsburg, Pa. 23, Milwaukee, Wis.--Edward Pagel, 535 First av. 24, Buffalo, N. Y.-J. F. Schmidt, 59 Nevada ave. 25, Butte, Mont.-Leo La Reau, box 1171. 26, Albany, N. Y.-J. W. O'Connor, 122 Clinton

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THE CAUSE OF CONGESTION.

Mayor Gaynor, of New York, has a commission working out the causes of tenement house congestion in that city. A preliminary report of a subcommittee declares one of the chief causes of overcrowding to be the low wages paid to workingmen. It finds that a man, his wife, and three children can not live decently in Manhattan on less than $850 a year, whereas the average wage paid in Greater New York is about $535 a year. The result of this finding is an effort on the part of the commission to obtain better wages for workingmen. To this end conferences are being arranged with the unions and the manufacturers' organizations. An attempt is also being made to locate city dwellers on farms, but the real fight is on the wage question. Always those who would improve conditions get back to that fundamental issue. The income of the wage-earner must be increased.-Ex.

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J. W. HAYS, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER, INDIANAPOLIS, INDIANA

ENTERED AT THE POSTOFFICE, INDIANAPOLIS, INDIANA, AS SECOND CLASS MATTER
ISSUED ON THE FIFTH OF EACH MONTH

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Referendum Vote on Feb. 15.

On pages 138-140 of this issue of THE JOURNAL will be found the proposed new agreement governing the joint ownership of the allied printing trades label, and the new rules governing the five affiliated printing trades. Should the proposition be adopted, the Joint Conference Board of the Allied Printing Trades will be dissolved and the International Allied Printing Trades Association formed. The vote will be taken by each local union on the 15th of the present month, and the result must be forwarded to Secretary-Treasurer Hays and reach headquarters not later than March 1. Ballots will be furnished local unions free of charge. The proposition should receive the careful study of every member in order that a comprehensive knowledge of the question may be had. The proposed agreement has the sanction of the officers of the five international unions which comprise the Joint Conference Board, and has been adopted by the International Electrotypers and Stereotypers' Union. The bookbinders, pressmen and photo-engravers, together with the International Typographical Union, are now to vote on the question.

A PROPOSITION to elect the officers of the Iowa State Federation of Labor by referendum vote has been adopted. SecretaryTreasurer Strief is of the opinion that the International Typographical Union has as complete a referendum system as any organization, and it is expected that its plan for getting the nominations, sending out notifications, and receiving returns will be adopted by the Iowa state body.

NUMBER Two

Rainbow Chasing at Los Angeles.

Considering the personnel of the Los Angeles grand jury which investigated the Times disaster and the environment in which it worked, members of organized labor were not surprised when twentytwo indictments for complicity in the matter were returned early in January. Although this number are alleged to have knowledge of the supposed crime, at time of writing the impression prevails that not more than three or four persons were, according to the union-hating investigators, actively connected with the implied dynamiting. That there is little credence given to the grand jury's action is seen in the failure of the newspapers and the Associated Press to "play up" the story in the customary manner whenever union labor is involved in such happenings. While there is little news in the story sent out by the Associated Press, it is printed here for the purpose of revealing the sublime rainbowchasing virtues of the members of the grand jury. It will be noted that the only names mentioned as actual perpetrators of the alleged dynamiting are those of three mythical persons who have figured in the affair ever since the eventful morning of October 1. The following is the press dispatch:

LOS ANGELES, Cal., January 5.-Twenty-two indictments against an unknown number of individuals were returned today by the special grand jury which for more than two months has been investigating the explosion which wrecked the building and plant of the Los Angeles Times early on the morning of October 1, 1910, and killed twentyone of its employes.

Wholesale murder, the outcome of a dynamite plot, is understood to be the charge set forth in

the indictments, but it is likewise certain that not more than three or four men are named in the true bills.

The return of the indictments today was the culmination of a disaster that excited the people of Los Angeles to a degree that, for a few days, bordered almost on panic, and resulted in the offering of rewards aggregating almost $100,000. Union labor, which the Times and its proprietor has opposed, was injected into the situation, and when the special grand jury was impaneled on Oc tober 25 it was immediately confronted with two conflicting theories. One of these, supported by the findings of an investigating committee appointed by Mayor Alexander, was that the Times plant had been blown up by dynamite conspirators. The other, presented by a committee named by the state building trades convention, then in session here, was that gas was responsible.

After the indictments had been placed in the custody of Presiding Judge Walter Bordwell this afternoon, Earl Rogers, who directed the hunt for evidence concerning the alleged plot, and later acted as a special deputy district attorney in the grand jury chamber, remarked in answer to a question:

"Well, we did not indict the gas company."

were

More than forty witnesses, the majority of them identified with the union labor movement, summoned from San Francisco and other cities. In addition, labor union officials here were summoned. In all the grand jury examined more than 200 persons who, in the opinion of the detectives that worked here and in San Francisco, could throw some light on the alleged murder plot.

Among the labor leaders summoned from San Francisco were Olaf A. Tveitmoe and Anton Johannsen, who were supposed to have known J. B. Brice, M. A. Schmidt and David Kaplan, three suspects in the case who were in this city until a few hours after the explosion, but subsequently disappeared.

According to the detectives, Brice, Schmidt and Kaplan were the three who purchased from a San Francisco powder firm the dynamite used to destroy the Times, and part of which was later found in the infernal machine planted under the residence occupied by Felix J. Zeehandelaar, secretary of the Merchants' and Manufacturers' Association, an organization which opposed the extension of labor unions in this city. Two days ago an additional reward of $25,000 was formally offered by the county board of supervisors for their capture.

Johannsen was held here as a witness by the grand jury from October 25 to the week before Christmas. With him were "Jack" Lofthouse, also of San Francisco, and Mrs. Belle Lavin, the wom. an brought here from the bay city under a murder warrant, which was later dismissed.

Nothing was given out concerning either the number of the indictments or the number of individuals named in them. However, Judge Bordwell counted over the true bills while on the bench in view of reporters, and, later, District Attorney Fredericks and other officials of his office made

guarded statements which created the impression that not more than three or four persons were indicted.

"None of the names in the indictments can be given out until arrests are made," said Fredericks. "Then are any of the indicted individuals within the grasp of the law so that the information may be given out soon?" he was asked.

"No," he replied. "There is nothing to indicate that we will be able to give out anything concerning any of the indictments at any time soon."

In its issue of January 8, the Los Angeles Times printed what purported to be a "report" of the grand jury. The Otis sheet endeavored to show by the alleged "report" that the disaster was caused by dynamite placed by human agency with criminal intent, and emphatically repudiated the gas. theory. Judge Bordwell, who called the special grand jury, and who instructed that body as to its duty in the premises, by the following statement proved that the contemptible action of the Times was entirely unjustified:

I positively forbade the grand jury making any report, because such a document would be in violation of the law and would be unwarranted as well. Publication of what purports to be a grand jury report in this case is without justification, and bears evidence of trickery and deceit. There has been no grand jury report in this matter, and there will be none.

Meanwhile the unprejudiced observer, considering the nature of the fiery element which followed the discharge, and reflecting on the opinions of experts, refutes the doctrine put forth by the official investigators, and is firm in the belief that the destruction of the Times property was caused by gas.

Counterfeiting the Union Label.

As a business-acquiring proposition, the union label is constantly receiving endorsement in the many attempts to use it by concerns not entitled thereto. Probably the greatest sufferers through counterfeiting the label has been the cigar makers' union, although the typographical union has on many occasions been compelled to prosecute concerns and individuals for its illegal use. Last month the cigar makers' union won a notable case at York, Pa., in which it was shown that a Pennsylvania firm had its non-unionists organize the Universal Cigar Makers' and Packers' Union. It was

proven to the satisfaction of the court that it was a palpable fraud and an attempt to deceive dealers and consumers, and the engravings and labels of the make-believe union were ordered turned over to the officers of the Cigar Makers' International Union and a permanent injunction issued against their further use.

Prescott Wines and Dines.

Members of Prescott (Ariz.) Union No. 375, on the evening of January 7, were hosts to the local publishers and their "front office" men at a banquet, on which occasion, we are informed by one of the Prescott papers, "scintillating wit added further charm to the effervescing champagne." Colonel Rogers, editor of the Courier, related experiences since he had entered the newspaper field of Prescott in the early '70s. He declared that in all that time the relations of the publishers and printers of the city had been most amicable. Editor Milnes, of the Journal, also felicitated the members of No. 375 on the cordial relations that have existed between that organization and the Prescott publishers since he became identified with journalism there twenty-five years ago.

The Strike at Salina.

Following the refusal of the management of the Salina (Kan.) Journal, owned by United States Senator Joseph L. Bristow, and the Salina Union, owned by former United States Senator Joseph R. Burton, to sign a new wage scale presented by Typographical Union No. 638, the printers employed in the two offices, after more than two months of negotiation, went on strike January 9. The wages asked were not exorbitant, and, it is claimed, involved an increase in the combined payrolls of not to exceed $7 per week. Certainly the increase asked for was reasonable enough.

The managers of both offices stated repeatedly during the negotiations that the volume of business would not justify any increase in wages, but produced no figures to substantiate their claims, and refused to settle on any basis except the signing of the old scale, which had been in force more

than two years, leaving the printers no alternative but to cease work. It is alleged there had been a tacit agreement when the scale was drawn up for 1910, that if no increase was asked for that year, and the management was given a year to advance advertising rates, etc., a substantial increase in wages would be accorded the printers this year.

It is said that the two offices have combined and imported a notorious "rat" from the Los Angeles Times to take care of the five machines, and rumor has it that they are paying him $50 per week.

Postal's Union-Baiting Methods. President Konenkamp, of the Commercial Telegraphers' Union, in 'ts official magazine, shows up the extreme anti-union methods of the Postal Telegraph-Cable Company, and declares it does not even pretend to maintain the so-called "open shop;" its offices are absolutely closed to union men, if the officials know them to be such. He tells of how this company, shortly after the strike of 1907, formed an alleged beneficial association, absolutely controlled by the officials of the company, in which membership is supposed to be optional, but those seeking employment are soon told why they had better belong. The ever-watchful eye of the superintendent is focused on the recalcitrant, and he either joins or is soon seeking employment elsewhere. The hand of the exploiters of the "industrial-freedom" delusion will be perceived in the following clause of the association's by-laws:

I am not a member of any union, and I hereby agree not to join any union, nor any other organization hostile to the interests of said company while in its employ.

This is only one instance of the company's unfair policy toward its employes. It is declared that a short time ago the Postal telegraphers of Chicago decided to hold a meeting to discuss questions affecting their interests, and invited the officials of the Commercial Telegraphers' Union to address them, which they did. It was decided to affiliate with the union in a body, and a day or two afterward about a score of those present were discharged, and the reason given as "disloyalty to the company

in attending that meeting." President Konenkamp declares it to be the intention of his organization to carry on a campaign against the Postal company until the right of its telegraphers to organize is recognized, and in this stand he should have the support of every member of organized

labor.

Memorial to George W. Childs.

The interests of Philadelphia Typographical Union No. 2 are being furthered by a sprightly publication called The Booster, the first number appearing January 2. That union has recently established a hospital fund, and in addition to this laudable undertaking it is proposed to raise money to build a memorial to the immortal George W. Childs. The proposition is to erect a building containing business offices, library, clubrooms and a hall for literary and educational affairs, which can be utilized as a central meeting place for organizations of workingmen. So asserts the official publication of No. 2. A charter was recently secured by the George W. Childs Memorial Hall Association for the purpose of financing the enterprise. Plans are being completed to issue stock, and the matter of selecting a site will be considered in the near future. The members of No. 2 are said to be enthusiastic regarding the memorial scheme, which forecasts final success for the venture.

A Warning to "Big Business."

The Los Angeles Express, with a perspicuity worthy of its calling, sounds a warning to "big business" of the southern California metropolis, that it will oppose to the last ditch the determination of the interests opposed to organized labor to retain control of the city government in the coming election. Says the Express:

Signs multiply that private interest and special privilege will this year finance and conduct a municipal campaign for the purpose of seizing upon the government of Los Angeles.

They have tremendous purposes in view, great results at stake. They want a mayor they can control, a council they can govern, a board of public works and a water commission that will be subservient, and a board of public utilities they will absolutely own. The Southern Pacific Railroad

and its allied interests, together with all seekers after special privileges and exemptions, are rendered desperate by conditions under which the people rule them and they can not rule the people. Accordingly, a preliminary campaign of misrepresentation has been planned. To establish government by corporations for corporations, good government for the people must be broken down by detraction. The campaign of the Southern Pacific and its allied interests in Los Angeles this year will be, first of all, a fight to deceive the people.

The administration of George Alexander will be accused of extravagance and inefficiency. We shall be told that the exigencies of the hour call for a business men's ticket, and we shall see business men's organizations, citizens' committees and all the accustomed paraphernalia the interests employ to hoodwink and deceive the public. They have lain quiescent since they were used for Harper and against the recall, but the interests know just where and just how to put their hands on them.

Men who have fought against good government for years suddenly will become vociferous for good government. Class passions and prejudices will be wickedly fanned into flame. It will be declared that organized labor is a curse to Los Angeles and that only an administration conducted by business men for big business can save the town from anarchy and rescue it from destruction.

Well, there need be no doubt where the Express will stand in such a campaign. The Express stands now and will ever for human rights as against property rights, for the right of men and women to receive from government a consideration superior to that it gives the dollar. It is for the people-the plain men and women who make up the city and the state as against special privilege and private interest that would exploit the people.

The Express would not countenance confiscation. It would give full protection under the law to every right of property. It sots its face like flint against violence. Violence must not and will not be tolerated. It is not an assertion of human rights-it is a product of criminal hate.

Holding these convictions, the Express is thoroughly convinced of the right of labor to organize. The labor union has come to stay. Men have a right to combine to secure for themselves a larger share of what their toil produces, to ameliorate their condition, to establish a fairer distribution of the results of labor. It is not only their right, it is their duty to themselves, their families and those who are to come after them on this earth. The organization of labor is not to be snuffed out of existence by the acts of midnight criminals on the one hand or by the pronunciamentos of organizations of capital on the other.

Capital must be fairly dealt with. So must labor. Corporations must be given a square deal. So must the people. Property rights must be respected, but human rights are far more sacred. The dollar must be protected, but not at the cost of the rights of men and women. Such are the principles that guide and the beliefs that control the policy of the Express. They will guide and control it in the

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