LOCAL AUTONOMY A FALLACY.

"My observation of the operations of the National Union has convinced me that it is not as perfect as it should be; that, in fact, it fails to secure the objects to accomplish which it was instituted. These objects are: The establishment of an organization from which all organizations subordinate to it shall derive all their powers and authority; the creation of a legislative body among the printers of the United States and the British Provinces of America, the duty of which shall be to enact laws defining, regulating and determining the wages and customs appertaining to the relation of members of subordinate unions to each other while in the performance of their duties as printers and members of the typographical union organization; the inauguration of a tribunal having authority to decide all questions of difference between members of a subordinate union and this union, and between subordinate unions; the creation of an organization that will be effective in maintaining the wages of printers at a reasonable rate.

"No person who has given any thought to the subject can claim that these objects have been accomplished by the National Union. Subordinate unions do not derive from the National Union all their powers and authority. On the contrary, they permit the National Union to exercise such functions of sovereignty only as they please. The National Union is not a legislature that can define, regulate and determine the usages and customs which ought to obtain among union printers in their professional relations. As an appellate tribunal it has some authority, but its decisions are not always treated with respect by subordinate unions; and, in the matter of wages, it can not give to a subordinate union aid when the union is engaged in a struggle to maintain wages at a reasonable rate. The card system is the only legisla tion that has, in any great degree, had a tendency to bind together union printers with the bond of fraternal communion and friendly alliance."

These words are taken from the report of President Oberly to the fifteenth convention of the National Typographical Union, which assembled at Memphis, Tenn., June 3, 1867. In their contrast with the present condition of the International Typographical Union how prophetic they seem. In his summary of the weaknesses of the organization in the second decade of its existence, in his suggestions of the changes essential to substitute strength for weakness, he laid down in broad terms an outline for a reorganization which was not realized until years after he wrote; and for a perfection of the reorganization which has been gradually evolved until we have the powerful In

ternational Typographical Union of the present

century.

But these words convey a lesson far deeper than the contrast which they indicate. The Memphis convention adopted a uniform constitution for subordinate unions, but as it had no real power as a legislative body, referred it to these unions for adoption. The proposed constitution was designed as the first movement in the direction of the reforms which President Oberly had outlined. It failed of adoption-not because of essential demerits, not because it was faulty or had any demerits, but simply because the unions at that time constituting the National Union resisted an invasion of their autonomy.

States' rights in politics has been designated a southern doctrine; "nullification" is ordinarily associated with South Carolina particularly with reference to events immediately preceding the civil war, but with more propriety to acts of the legis lature of South Carolina during the administration of Andrew Jackson. Yet both states' rights and nullification had their first expression in New England. Rhode Island was the last of the thirteen colonies to adopt the federal constitution; it would not surrender its autonomy. Students of history are familiar with the convention in Connecticut at which John Quincy Adams asserted both the doctrines of states' rights and nullification; and with the revival of similar doctrines at the period of the Mexican war.

All this is mentioned in detail and in terms of history because American history is more familiar to most members of the International Typographical Union than the history of their own organization. The evolution of the federal union from the confederation of states perfected in the United States by the civil war, is paralleled in the history of the International Typographical Union. President Oberly wrote his message to the Memphis convention when the National Union was merely a confederation-with no regular headquarters, when "the card system was the only legislation that has in any great degree had a tendency to bind together union printers with the bond of fraternal communion and friendly alliance." Curiously enough to emphasize the parallel-at that time the doctrine of local autonomy (the equivalent of states' rights) was rampant in New England, and with it was commingled the doctrine of nullification. The proposed uniform constitution and the proposition for a strike fund, which also was referred to subordinate unions by the Memphis convention, was referred in Providence to a committee, which on October 17, 1867, reported resolu tions condemning both, the resolutions containing the word "nullification" as applied to the act of

the Memphis convention. The resolutions were adopted and ordered sent to sister unions; the latter responded, and both the uniform constitution and the strike fund failed of adoption. Though agitation for the latter was frequently revived and propositions of various sorts were presented at subsequent conventions, it was not until 1885 that the International Typographical Union adopted a strike-fund law, and again, curiously enough, the law which was adopted then was presented by the delegate from Providence-William Carroll, father of the writer. The uniform constitution has never been adopted; the utmost which has been accomplished directly in this line is article xii, section 1, of the constitution of the International Typographical Union, which prescribes a uniform obligation and requires subordinate unions to have an article in their constitutions containing this obligation.

Yet what President Oberly desired has been ob tained in another way. Local autonomy had its faults; these faults were brought home to union after union by bitter experience. "A burned child fears fire." Experience is a costly teacher. But if experience by hindsight teaches precautions against those things of the past which foresight for the future might have avoided, the damage is not wasted. There was still another factor which had an important bearing upon the abandonment of the autonomy theory, and that was the improvement of methods of communication and of travel. Local autonomy might be an ideal policy in a city which was isolated from all the world; when it would be as difficult for an employer to fill places vacated by strikers as it would be for the union to obtain aid from the superior organization or its sister subordinate unions. But when the telegraph and telephone permit instantaneous communication, when an employer may immedi ately call for aid from neighboring cities, and within twenty-four hours draw reinforcements from places within a radius of 1,000 miles, the subordinate union in its hour of trial needs immediately the assistance which only a superior organization with ample powers can give it.

As a matter of actual experience, the telegraph and railroad have made the strike a negligible factor in winning union victories; have made the strike impossible of success without the thorough organization of its entire jurisdiction, which only a superior organization with ample power can undertake. And the union printers of the United States, guided sometimes by the lessons of experience, sometimes intuitively by the foresight of the great men who from time to time have held the office of president of the International Typographical Union, have realized these truths. One of the most remarkable demonstrations of the new diplomacy was the admirable preparation for the eight-hour strike-a piece of magnificent strategy, worthy of a Napoleon. I mention this particularly because it is most recent and therefore familiar to the membership at large. The thing that won the eight-hour strike was not the assessment-it was the other thing which made the assessment possible. For several years the contract system had been developed and extended, until 1906 found the

membership in newspaper offices working under contracts which protected them. Here then was a large proportion of the membership amply protected and able to support those who must bear the brunt of the fight, and also thoroughly organized and enthusiastic. Would such a result be possible under local autonomy? If the International Typographical Union in its hours of need must depend upon the sanction of subordinate unions-if these had the power to refuse-where would the eight-hour strikers have looked for assistance? The International Typographical Union won because it had a splendid organization, a thorough organization, a leader who had drilled and disciplined his army, who had outmaneuvered the enemy and chosen his own battleground-who had the typothetæ whipped before the first gun was fired, because he had made ample preparations.

There is another phase of the doctrine of local autonomy which inevitably teaches its utter fallacy, and that is the tendency to anarchy, its resistance not only of the surrender of powers necessary to strengthen the International Union, but its hatred of laws which tend to curb or restrain the acts of local unions. Coupled with the enactment of the strike-fund law and a feature of it ever since has been restrictions upon the right to strike, essentially necessary in the first instance to protect the fund. It would be unjust, indeed, to collect a strike fund for the benefit of all without limiting the beneficiaries to those who undertook strikes which were wholly legal. This restrictive feature has been gradually developed, in line with the prevailing theory that a strike is the last weapon to be used in an industrial controversy. Peaceful persuasion is more potent in securing victory. The laws now forbid strikes until the representative of the International Union has exhausted efforts to reach an adjustment. The arbitration agreement with the publishers tends further to prevent strikes. All this is hateful to the ardent adherent to the local autonomy fallacy. He would have his union strike when the union willed. He gathers the unsophisticated around him and pictures the possibilities for enforcing demands upon employers if only the executive council did not stand in the way. He uses the term executive council and abuses the executive council-why, because the executive council insists upon observance of the law; and he himself would be the first to abuse the executive council if the law were violated by the executive council. Fortunate, indeed, is the local autonomist if the little gathering of listeners is confined to those of his own choosing -boys scarcely out of their apprenticeship, young men who have had no experience with strikes and who are unfamiliar, as he usually is, with the history of the International Typographical Union. When he stacks up against the veteran member who has been through the mill, who has had the experience, who had his fill of local autonomy, the "irresistible" logic of the local autonomist encounters an irresistible obstacle. Those whose acquaintance with the typographical union covers the days when no meeting passed without at least one appeal for funds from a sister union in dire

straits the real oldtimers notice the absence of these appeals at union meetings nowadays-those whose experience includes participation in strikes called for little cause, sometimes at the behest of a stranger arrived within a few days and the first to leave town after trouble was started; those who have hiked from home and friends when obedience to an ill-advised strike order called them to the streets with no provision made for caring for them; those who have seen the anarchy of the past supplanted by law and order, who know the difference between an old-fashioned strike and a legal strike in these enlightened days, have no desire to retrograde to local autonomy. Local autonomy had its heyday in the late seventies and eighties. There were few mourners when it died. Let it rest in peace.

But why revive a dead issue; why occupy space in THE TYPOGRAPHICAL JOURNAL with a discourse upon a corpse so long buried? History repeats itself. Delusions revive; they trap the unwary. Men are swayed by oratory. The eloquence and grace of words, the sound of them sometimes captivates, when their substance should warn against their folly. Contrast the two-stick speech of Abraham Lincoln on the battlefield of Gettysburg with the tremendous oration of the orator of the day. The latter fired his audience, charmed them, held them spellbound. But who recalls that speech today. The simple words of Lincoln are immortal. Another Lincoln anecdote points the same lesson. In one of his joint debates with Douglas, Douglas had spoken and the audience almost hissed the lean and cadaverous Abe when he arose. These were the words of Lincoln: "Judge Douglas is a great orator [applause], but how many of you can remember a sentence that he has spoken?" Don't be misled by the sound of words; examine the goods; don't buy an apple because it has a beautiful skin; beauty is only skin deep, after all; and this applies to other things than apples.

One of the worst-abused words of the present time is "progressive." Applied first to an element in the republican party which resisted the domination of party bosses, it has been taken up by every pseudo-reformer of the moment. Wherever the standard of revolt against an established order is raised the word "progressive" is emphasized. In most instances the use of the word is utterly false. Those who would tear down and destroy are not progressive; the word rightfully belongs to those who build up and advance. Those who today shout loudest for local autonomy in the International Typographical Union; who aim to substitute anarchy for law; who designate the arbitration agreement for assassination; who oppose the contract system because it restrains their wild impulses, have adopted the name "I. T. U. Progressives." A word to the wise is sufficient. Let no member be deluded. CHARLES CARROLL.

Providence, R. I.

MANY a dangerous temptation comes to us in fine, gay colors that are but skin deep.-Matthew Henry.

TRUTH OF THE STRIKE IN OTISTOWN.

In order that a true and impartial résumé of the industrial conditions in Los Angeles may be given it will be necessary to "delve amid the ruins of antiquity" and bring to light, as it were, certain facts and incidents that may lead to a better understanding of this much-abused subject that has been the theme of numerous magazine articles, besides furnishing food for many a spirited argument between contending forces in the industrial field for more than a quarter of a century.

"Otistown of the Open Shop" began in Los Angeles with the advent of Col. Harrison Gray Otis nearly thirty years ago, when he purchased a small weekly newspaper called the Mirror, the nucleus of the now malicious Los Angeles Times. In former days Otis was a union man, being a member of the typographical union, but if his actions and utterances during the past, twenty-five years can be taken as an index, he was never at heart a devotee of its tenets nor an ardent believer in its principles.

Los Angeles had not known the great war general long before its first industrial strife began. Hardly a day passed by that there was not some petty difficulty between himself and members of the force in his office. Many times during the first few years of Otis' journalistic career in Los Angeles compositors employed on the Times-Mirror walked out, only to return upon the urgent solicitation of Otis with the promise that everything would be arranged satisfactorily to them. Otis was only biding his time. Being a retired army officer, and much inflated with his importance, he had nearly all the elements rightly proportioned to make up the ideal tyrant-egotism, arrogance and bullheadedness predominating. At no time has he ever been known to return a civil answer to his workmen, and throughout his life he has ruled rather by fear than by love.

Finally the great strike of 1890 occurred. Otis, in order to punish the typographical union,' and to get even for fancied wrongs, under the subterfuge of hard times, entered an agreement with the managers of the newspapers then published in Los Angeles to decrease the scale-hand composition in those days-5 cents per thousand ems. Knowing that the claim of the newspapers was not made in good faith, the typographical union refused to accede to the demands of Otis, and Los Angeles was soon in the midst of its first industrial disturbance.

Years before a general strike had been inaugurated against the "heathen Chinee," but for magnitude of interest displayed and for far-reaching in its influence the strike of the printers had all other labor disputes at a great discount. The Herald, Express and Tribune were quickly restored to the union, only a couple of days intervening before an amicable solution of the difficulty was reached between newspapers and the union, which was brought about without decrease of scale; but the Times has remained unfair since those days. Strikebreakers, misnamed "Printers' Protective (?) Fraternity," were brought to Los Angeles from

Kansas City to take the jobs of the union men and were placed in the Times, where between "Simon Legrees," discontent, "industrial freedom" and cringing subserviency to the gruff despot of the editorial sanctum, a few have remained to this day, hoping against hope, awaiting the inevitable.

During intervening years the well-known apathy of labor organizations, as a rule, was probably responsible for the growth of the octopus of Otisism that is now so broadcast throughout this section of southern California. It must not be understood, however, that unions were unmindful of their interests during those times, but there was not that unity of action that is so manifest now and which has been felt during the past few years. In this time unionism has taken a new place in the hearts of the workingmen in general, and the future would seem to hold much that is bright for them. While the union movement was lying dormant in Los Angeles Otis laid the foundations of the union-hating organization, the Merchants' and Manufacturers' Association, and with such highsounding and meaningless platitudes as "open shop," "industrial freedom," "inalienable rights," etc., welded an executive organization into a working body that has hardly a counterpart in the United States. In the association are many an honest and well-meaning citizen, but through the demoniacal tirade of Otis have been led to believe that unionism was a menace instead of a blessing to the country. Many others are forced, through boycott-called un-American by the M. and M.-to become members of the association and to subvert their manhood in order to save themselves from financial ruin. Its steam roller is cruel, merciless and despotic, and if given free reign would bring on a condition bordering that of feudal times, when workmen were made to grovel in the dust of despair and ignorance. Man's inalienable right to work under conditions imposed by himself has no place in the reasoning of the M. and M. The association believes in organization, but it has never outlined just what kind it wanted -workmen probably know, and for that reason will have none of it.

Since the inception of the strike on the Times the printers throughout the United States and Canada have kept up a vigorous fight that will eventually unionize the paper. During this period the paper has felt the force of united action. At one time only a couple of ads remained within the columns of the sheet and its circulation was nearly destroyed. At this juncture Otis sought to call off the fight. Agreement was made to discontinue the publication of the union newspaper, which was done, and a union assistant foreman to be placed in the Times composing room, and the force of printers unionized as fast as expedient.

Hardly had the ink become dry upon the contract before Otis abrogated his agreement, upon flimsy pretext, and the strike was resumed in earnest by the printers. Organizers were sent in from the outside and Los Angeles became the center of industrial activity never before known.

A few years following this time Felix J. Zeehandelaar arrived in town, and, being crippled financially, he sought to do anything that there was money in-and some things that there was not. He tried publishing a little park program, but as the printer who got out the work had to have pay every now and then-mostly then-the park venture went to the wall, and also to the lawyer to settle a little dispute between "Zee" and the printer, where it has remained since. last resort the crafty schemer was offered the secretaryship of the M. and M. This he grasped eagerly, and now, with Otis, dominates its policy -so-called "open shop."

As a

Since the inception of the M. and M. an uncom promising war with the unions has been waged in Los Angeles, but withal the organizations have grown and prospered until they are now an element in the every-day life of Los Angeles that must be taken into the reckoning. In their ranks are to be found the proficient in all crafts. The fact that union men are the most thorough has never been questioned. In banding themselves together they are simply obeying an irresistible impulse-in union there is strength.

Under the pretense of the open shop, Otis, through the M. and M., has for his object the utter disruption of the unions in Los Angeles. Immediately following the destruction of the Times plant Los Angeles Typographical Union volunteered its services. In a few days it declared an amnesty of sixty days in its strike against the paper in order that that sheet might prove its truthfulness in its advocacy of the open shop. Subsequent events have proven, however, that there is no truth in the Times' claim. Union men are not allowed to work in any department of the paper and its support of the open shop is simply a falsehood, made in order to hold the public at large in ignorance of the true policy of this most destructive paper.

Since the explosion the photo-engravers, the last of the union workmen, have left the Times. Gaining information that they were to be discharged singly as fast as their places could be filled with non-union men, the engravers walked out in a body, leaving three incompetents who cast their lot with the paper. This little disturbance with its forces caused the Times to appear two weeks late with its regular New Year's edition.

In February, 1910, the first assault of the M. and M. began upon the leather workers on horse goods. The organization, in making its new working agreement, asked for shorter hours and a small increase in wages. Without even a slight regard for the welfare of their employes, the leather houses locked out the union men and declared for the open shop. Just how well they have succeeded can be seen when it is learned that the strike has been in force over a year and the leather houses are unable to work more than half capacity. The strike is still being waged, and will be pushed to ultimate success. All efforts on the part of the employers to break the ranks of the strikers have proved unavailing.

The next organization to meet with the ill-will

of the M. and M. was the brewery workers. The working agreement of this union expired May 1, 1910, and in renewing it an increase of $3 per week in the scale was asked for. This would have placed Los Angeles on par with the brewery workers of Fresno in the matter of wages. The request was flatly refused. The M. and M. would not accede. After seeing that no immediate loss would ensue in the breweries by their action-the brewery workers left a few incompetent men at work-the union men walked out. Organizations affected were the machinists, stablemen, bottlers and brewery workers and drivers. The strike first embraced all of Los Angeles-made beer-Wieland's, Rainier, San Diego and Anaheim. Lately San Diego and Wieland's have returned to union conditions, but the rest are still unfair. The brewery workers are able financially to conduct the fight indefinitely, and it will be continued until the unions are returned to their former standing in the local houses. Of the original 315 men who responded to the strike call, only eight have been untrue to their comrades and returned to work.

For more than two years the iron workers of Los Angeles have been dissatisfied with their scale, which is one of the lowest, taking into consideration the hazardous work engaged in, in the country, and have been calling for organizers continually. Finally, in May, 1910, matters had progressed sufficiently to make a stand for better conditions, and the following letter, emanating from the metal trades council, was sent to the various houses employing structural iron workers throughout Los Angeles:

LOS ANGELES, CAL., May 18, 1910. GENTLEMEN-We, the undersigned committee, representing the Metal Trades Council of Los Angeles, Cal., are desirous of entering into a working agreement with your firm, and have herein enclosed a copy of the proposed agreement which we have submitted to every employer in this city for their consideration.

Our purpose in wishing to enter into this agreement with you is to keep pace with the constant change in industrial conditions throughout the country. As workmen we desire recognition and protection. We desire to increase our pay in accordance with the increased cost of living. We desire to give to our employers as much of our time, in the shops, as justice to our family and our health will permit, keeping for ourselves a sufficient amount of time to travel to and from our work and for recreation and rest.

We trust that you appreciate the position that we are taking in this matter and that you will not feel that we, as workmen, are antagonistic to your rights and interests as employers, as it is our earnest desire to agree and co-operate with you, to give to you the best service that we have, and to work to the end that both the employer and the employe shall be mutually benefited."

This move perhaps is a new departure from the old system of doing business in Los Angeles, but one that the changing industrial conditions was bound to, sooner or later, bring about, and now that this time has arrived, we sincerely hope that the employer will show the same kind feeling and give us the same consideration that we have shown to them in order that a settlement may be reached that will be agreeable and beneficial to both parties. If there is any part of this proposed agreement that you would like to take up with us, we would be only too pleased to meet you and discuss it with you.

Please send your answer to the Labor Temple, room 201, by May 25, if possible, or at least by June 1. Thanking you in advance for whatever consid eration you may show us, we remain, Very truly yours, METAL TRADES COUNCIL, E. H. MISNER, GEORGE GUNREY, GODFREY DAWSON.

This letter, so the Times states, was thrown into the waste basket, the M. and M. refusing the courtesy of a reply. The character and manliness of the iron workers will be noted in the language of the letter. It will also be seen that there was no attempt on the part of the metal trades council to embroil Los Angeles in so detrimental a strike as is now raging. The working agreement called for an eight-hour day, an average wage of $4, overtime clauses, price and one-half for holidays and double time for Sundays. Nothing was mentioned regarding the closed shop. The justice of the iron workers' request can readily be seen when the character of their work is noted. Insurance companies place them in the extra hazardous class, and they are not anxious to take them as a risk.

After waiting a reasonable length of time, workmen employed upon the many structures in Los Angeles were called out. Organizations responding were the molders, machinists, blacksmiths and helpers, boiler makers and helpers, pattern makers and structural iron workers, fifteen hundred men in all, and they have remained on strike since, with only eight members deserting.

colors.

The efforts upon the part of the M. and M. to break the ranks of the strikers have not proved successful. The men yet remain true to their During this strike agents of the M. and M. have resorted to means without parallel in the annals of industrial disturbances. Paroled men from San Quentin and Folsom state prisons have been brought into Los Angeles to work as strikebreakers, and they have been told to keep their mouths shut or they would be returned. Incompetents from Cincinnati, Detroit, Chicago and else where have been hired to work upon the unfair structures. These strikebreakers have been compelled to sign contracts not to be dictated to or to join a union. They have been given $3.75 for nine hours and other restrictions imposed. Under this scab labor it is costing contraétors as high as 60 cents to drive rivets, while under union workmen the same rivet can be driven for 10 cents, on the average. Almost a fifth of the rivets driven in the iron work of the Los Angeles Athletic Club building must be done over again. The building inspector marks faulty work with a small chalk circle. These can be seen in countless numbers throughout the structures being erected in Los Angeles. Strikebreaking so far has been an expensive task for the contractors.

In order to break the strike the power of the courts and the city council has been invoked, and Los Angeles now has two of the most drastic measures ever used as a weapon against the strike-the injunction gotten out by the Baker iron works and the anti-picketing ordinance drafted by the city