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left his home for Washington, intending | rather be assassinated on the spot than to perform the journey in easy stages. On surrender it.' parting with his friends at Springfield, he said:

I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, to die by !"

Lincoln's First Administration.

"My Friends: No one, in my position, can realize the sadness I feel at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived more than a quarter of a century. Here my children were born, Such was the feeling of insecurity that and here one of them lies buried. I know the President-elect was followed to Washnot how soon I shall see you again. I go ington by many watchful friends, while to assume a task more difficult than that Gen'l Scott, Col. Sumner, Major Hunter which has devolved upon any other man and the members of Buchanan's Cabinet since the days of Washington. He never quickly made such arrangements as secured would have succeeded except for the aid his safety. Prior to his inauguration he of Divine Providence, upon which he at took every opportunity to quell the still all times relied. I feel that I cannot suc-rising political excitement by assuring the ceed without the same Divine blessing Southern people of his kindly feelings, and which sustained him; and on the same on the 27th of February,* "when_waited Almighty Being I place my reliance for upon by the Mayor and Common Council support. And hope you, my friends, of Washington, he assured them, and will all pray that I might receive that Di- through them the South, that he had no vine assistance, without which I cannot disposition to treat them in any other way succeed, but with which success is certain. than as neighbors, and that he had no disAgain, I bid you all an affectionate fare- position to withhold from them any constiwell." tutional right. He assured the people that they would have all of their rights under the Constitution-not grudgingly, but freely and fairly."

Lincoln passed through Indiana, Ohio, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania on his way to the Capitol. Because of threats made that he should not reach the Capitol alive, some friends in Illinois employed a detective to visit Washington and Baltimore in advance of his arrival, and he it was who discovered a conspiracy in Baltimore to mob and assassinate him. He therefore passed through Baltimore in the night, two days earlier than was anticipated, and reached Washington in safety. On the 22d of February he spoke at Independence Hall and said:

"All the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated in, and were given to the world from, this hall. I never had a feeling, politically, that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence.

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He was peacefully inaugurated on the 4th of March, and yet Washington was crowded as never before by excited multitudes. The writer himself witnessed the military arrangements of Gen'l Scott for preserving the peace, and with armed cavalry lining every curb stone on the line of march, it would have been difficult indeed to start or continue a riot, though it was apparent that many in the throng were ready to do it if occasion offered.

The inaugural ceremonies were more than usually impressive. On the eastern front of the capitol, surrounded by such of the members of the Senate and House who had not resigned their seats and entered the Confederacy, the Diplomatic Corps, the Judges of the Supreme Court, headed by Chief Justice Taney, the author of the *Dred Scott decision; the higher officers of "It was not the mere matter of the sepa- Army and Navy, while close by the side of ration of the Colonies from the mother- the new President stood the retiring one— land, but that sentiment in the Declaration James Buchanan-tall, dignified, reserved, of Independence, which gave liberty, not and to the eye of the close observer appaalone to the people of this country, but, Irently deeply grieved at the part his party hope, to the world for all future time. It and position had compelled him to play in was that which gave promise that, in due a National drama which was now reaching time, the weight would be lifted from the still another crisis. Near by, too, stood shoulders of men. This is the sentiment Douglas (holding Lincoln's hat) more embodied in the Declaration of Indepen-gloomy than was his wont, but determined dence. Now, my friends, can this country as he had ever been. Next to the two be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will Presidents he was most observed. consider myself one of the happiest men If the country could then have been in the world, if I can help to save it. If it pacified, Lincoln's inaugural was well calcannot be saved upon that principle, it culated to do it. That it exercised a will be truly awful! But if this country wholesome influence in behalf of the Union, cannot be saved without giving up the From the " History of Abraham Lincoln and the principle, I was about to say, I would | Overthrow of Slavery," by Hon. Isaac N. Arnold.

and especially in the border States, soon became apparent. Indeed, its sentiments seemed for weeks to check the wild spirit of secession in the cotton States, and it took all the efforts of their most fiery orators to rekindle the flame which seemed to have been at its highest when Major Anderson was compelled to evacuate Fort Moultrie.

It is but proper in this connection, to make a few quotations from the inaugural address, for Lincoln then, as he did during the remainder of his life, better reflected the more popular Republican sentiment than any other leader. The very first thought was upon the theme uppermost in the minds of all. We quote:

After conveying this peaceful assurance, he argued the question in his own way, and in a way matchless for its homely force:

"Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.

"Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their in- "This country, with its institutions, bespection. It is found in nearly all the pub- longs to the people who inhabit it. Whenlished speeches of him who now addresses ever they shall grow weary of the existing you. I do but quote from one of those Government they can exercise their conspeeches when I declare that I have no stitutional right of amending it, or their purpose directly or indirectly, to interfere revolutionary right to dismember or overwith the institution of slavery in the States throw it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact where it exists. I believe I have no law-that many worthy and patriotic citizens are ful right to do so, and I have no inclina-desirous of having the National Constitution to do so.' Those who nominated and tion amended. While I make no recomelected me did so with full knowledge that mendation of amendments, I fully recogI had made this and many similar decla- nize the rightful authority of the people rations, and had never recanted them. And over the whole subject, to be exercised in more than this, they placed in the platform either of the modes prescribed in the infor my acceptance, and as a law to them-strument itself; and I should under existselves and to me, the clear and emphatic ing circumstances, favor rather than opresolution which I now read: pose a fair opportunity being afforded the 'Resolved, That the maintenance invio-people to act upon it. I will venture to add late of the rights of the States, and es- that to me the convention mode seems prefpecially the right of each State to order erable, in that it allows amendments to oriand control its own domestic institutions ginate with the people themselves, instead according to its own judgment exclusively, of only permitting them to take or reject is essential to the balance of power on which propositions originated by others, not esthe perfection and endurance of our politi-pecially chosen for the purpose, and which cal fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.

might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution-which amendment, however, I have not seen-has passed Congress, to the I now reiterate these sentiments; and in effect that the Federal Government shall doing so, I only press upon the public at- never interfere with the domestic institutention the most conclusive evidence of tions of the States, including that of perwhich the case is susceptible, that the prop-sons held to service. To avoid misconstrucerty, peace, and security of no section are to be in anywise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause as cheerfully to one section as to another."

tion of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision now to be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.

"The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for

the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor.

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"In your hands, my dissatisfied fellowcountrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to 'preserve, protect and defend it.'

"I am loth to close. We are not enemies but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearth-stone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."

Lincoln appointed a Cabinet in thorough accord with his own views, and well suited to whatever shades of difference there were in the Republican party. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State, and Salmon P. Chase represented the more advanced anti-slavery element; General Simon Cameron, Secretary of War, from the first saw only a prolonged war in which superior Northern resources and appliances would surely win, while Seward expressed the view that "all troubles would be over in three months;" Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy; Caleb B. Smith of the Interior; Edward Bates, Attorney General, and Montgomery Blair, Postmaster General, represented the more conservative Republican view-the two last named being well adapted to retaining the National hold on the Border States.

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of the mission with which they are charged. Mr. Seward's reply in substance, said that his "official duties were confined, subject to the direction of the President, to the conducting of the foreign relations of the country, and do not at all embrace domestic questions or questions arising between the several States and the Federal Government, is unable to comply with the request of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, to appoint a day on which they may present the evidences of their authority and the object of their visit to the President of the United States. On the contrary, he is obliged to state to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford that he has no authority, nor is he at liberty to recognize them as diplomatic agents, or hold correspondence or other communication with them."

An extended correspondence followed, but the administration in all similar cases, refused to recognize the Confederacy as a government in any way. On the 13th of April the President granted an interview to Wm. Ballard Preston, Alex. H. Stuart, and George W. Randolph, who had been sent by the Convention of Virginia, then in session, under a resolution recited in the President's reply, the text of which is herewith given :

GENTLEMEN: As a committee of the Virginia Convention, now in session, you present me a preamble and resolution in these words:

"Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely injurious to the industrial and commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment of pending difficulties, and threatens a disturbance of the public peace: Therefore,

"Resolved, That a committee of three delegates be appointed to wait on the President of the United States, present to him Political events now rapidly succeeded this preamble and resolution, and respecteach other. As early as March 11, John fully ask him to communicate to this ConForsyth of Alabama and Martin J. Craw-vention the policy which the Federal Exeford of Georgia, submitted to the Secretary cutive intends to pursue in regard to the of State a proposition for an unofficial inter- Confederate States." view. Mr. Seward the next day, from 'purely public considerations," declined. On the 13th the same gentlemen sent a sealed communication, saying they had been duly accredited by the Confederate government as Commissioners, to negotiate for a speedy adjustment of all questions growing out of the political separation of seven States, which had formed a government of their own, etc. They closed this remarkable document by requesting the Secretary of State to appoint as early a day as possible in order that they may present to the President of the United States the credentials which they bear, and the objects

"In answer I have to say, that, having at the beginning of my official term expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep regret and some mortification I now learn that there is great and injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that policy is, and what course I intend to pursue.

"Not having as yet seen occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole document as the best expression I can give of my purposes. As I then and therein said, I now repeat:

"The power confided to me will be used | tive warfare by the Confederacy, many offi to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what is necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force | against or among the people anywhere." "By the words 'property and places belonging to the Government' I chiefly allude to the military posts and property which were in the possession of the Government when it came into my hands.

Before Lincoln had entered office most of the Southern forts, arsenals, docks, custom houses, etc., had been seized, and now In the border states of Maryland, Virthat preparations were being made for ac-ginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Mis