American, Whig, Republican and Demo- that the spirit of our institutions, as well cratic Nominations of 1856. The American convention met the next day after the session of the National Council of the Order, on the 22d February, 1856. It was composed of 227 delegates; all the States being represented except Maine, Vermont, Georgia and South Carolina. Hon. Millard Fillmore was nominated for President, and Andrew J. Don elson for Vice-President. The Whig Convention met at Baltimore, September, 17, 1856, and endorsed the nominations made by the American party, and in its platform declared that without adopting or referring to the peculiar doctrines of the party which has already selected Mr. Fillmore as a candidate" * * * Resolved, that in the present exigency of political affairs, we are not called upon to discuss the subordinate questions of the administration in the exercising of the constitutional powers of the government. It is enough to know that civil war is raging, and that the Union is in peril; and proclaim the conviction that the restoration of Mr. Fillmore to the Presidency will furnish the best if not the only means of restoring peace." The first National Convention of the new Republican party met at Philadelphia, June 18, 1856, and nominated John C. Fremont for President, and William L. Dayton for Vice-President. Since the previous Presidential election, a new party consisting of the disaffected former adherents of the other parties-Native and Independent Democrats, Abolitionists, and Whigs opposed to slavery-had sprung into existence, and was called by its adherents and friends, the Republican party. as the Constitution of our country, guar- The Democratic Convention, met at ism. At the election which followed, in November, 1856, the Democratic candidates were elected, though by a popular minority vote, having received 1,838,160 popular votes, and 174 electoral votes, against 2,215,768 popular votes, and 122 electoral votes for John C. Fremont, the Republican candidate, and Mr. Fillmore, the Whig and American candidate. who was the nominee on both the Whig The aggregate vote cast for Mr. Fillmore, and American tickets, was 874,534, and This convention of delegates assembled his electoral vote was eight; that of the in pursuance of a call addressed to the State of Maryland. This was the last napeople of the United States, without regard tional election at which the Whigs apto past political differences or divisions, peared as a party, under that name; they who were opposed to the repeal of the having joined with the American and with Missouri Compromise. To the policy of the Republican parties, and finally united President Pierce's administration: To the with the latter after the downfall and exextension of slavery into free territory: In tinction of the former. In the State elecfavor of the admission of Kansas as a free tions of that year, (1856) the American State: Of restoring the action of the fed-party carried Rhode Island and Maryland; eral government to the principles of Washington and Jefferson. It adopted a platform, consisting of a set of resolutions, the principal one of which was: "That we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, of any individual, or association of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States, while the present Constitution shall be maintained." And closed with a resolution: "That we invite the approbation and co-operation of the men of all parties, however different from us in other respects, in support of the principles herein declared; and believing and in the 35th Congress, which met in December, 1857, the party had 15 to 20 Representatives and five Senators. When the 36th Congress met, in 1859, it had become almost a border State or Southern party, having two Senators; one from Kentucky and one from Maryland; and 23 Representatives, five from Kentucky, seven from Tennessee, three from Maryland, one from Virginia, four from North Carolina, two from Georgia, and one from Louisiana. The American party had none of the elements of persistence. It made another desperate effort, however, in the next Presidential campaign, but having failed to carry the South, disappeared | one half of the whole population of the counfinally from politics. The new Republican party polled a very large vote-1,341,234 out of a total vote of 4,053,928-and its candidates received 114 votes out of 296, in the electoral college; having secured majorities in all the free States, except Illinois, Indiana, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and California. The successful candidate, Mr. James Buchanan, was duly inaugurated as President of the United States, and entered upon the discharge of his duties as such, March 4, 1857. After the election of November, 1856, the Republican Association of Washington issued an address to the people, in which the results of the election were examined, and the future policy of the party stated. It is an interesting paper, as laying the foundation of the campaign of 1860, which followed, and is here given in full: try; given to their Presidential candidate nearly three times as many electoral votes as were cast by the Whig party in 1852; and this day control the governments of fourteen of the most powerful States of the Union. "Well may our adversaries tremble in the hour of their victory. The Democratic and Black Republican parties,' they say, 'are nearly balanced in regard to power. The former was victorious in the recent struggle, but success was hardly won, with the aid of important accidental advantages. The latter has abated nothing of its zeal, and has suffered no pause in its preparations for another battle." With such numerical force, such zeal, intelligence, and harmony in counsel; with so many great States, and more than a million voters rallied to their standard by the efforts of a few months, why may not the Republicans confidently expect a victory in the next contest? The necessity for their organization still exists in all its force. Mr. Buchanan has "Republican Association of Washington. always proved true to the demands of his Address to the Republicans of the United States. "WASHINGTON, Nov. 27, 1856. "The Presidential contest is over, and at last we have some materials to enable us to form a judgment of the results. party. He fully accepted the Cincinnati platform, and pledged himself to its policy -a policy of filibustering abroad, propagandism at home. Prominent and controlling among his supporters are men committed, by word and deed, to that policy; and what is there in his character, his antecedents, the nature of his northern support, to authorize the expectation that he will disregard their will? Nothing will be so likely to restrain him and counteract their extreme measures, as a vigorous and growing Republican organization, as nothing would be more necessary to save the cause of freedom and the Union, should he, as we have every reason to believe, continue the pro-slavery policy of the present incumbent. Let us beware of folding our arms, and waiting to see what he will do. We know the ambition, the necessities, the schemes of the slave power. Its policy of extension and aggrandizement and universal empire, is the law of its being, not an accident-is settled, not fluctuating. Covert or open, moderate or extreme, according to circumstances, it never changes in spirit or aim. With Mr. Buchanan, the elect of a party controlled by this policy, administering the government, the safety of the country and of free institutions must rest in the organization of the Republican party. "Seldom have two parties emerged from a conflict with less of joy in the victors, more of hope in the vanquished. The pro-slavery party has elected its Presidential candidate, only, however, by the votes of a minority, and that of such a character as to stamp the victory as the offspring of sectionalism and temporary causes. The Republicans, wherever able to present clearly to the public the real issue of the canvass-slavery restriction or slavery extension-have carried the people with them by unprecedented majorities; almost breaking up in some States the organization of their adversaries. A sudden gathering together of the people, alarmed at the inroads of the slave power, rather than a well organized party, with but a few months to attend to the complicated details of party warfare; obstructed by a secret Order, which had pre-occupied the field, and obtained a strong hold of the national and religious prejudices of the masses; opposed to an old party, commencing the canvass with the united support of a powerful section, hardened by What, then, is the duty before us? long party drill, accustomed to victory, Organization, vigilance, action; action on wielding the whole power of the federal the rostrum, through the press, at the baladministration-a party which only four lot-box; in state, county, city, and town years ago carried all but four of the States, elections; everywhere, at all times; in every and a majority of the popular vote-still, election, making Republicanism, or loyalunder all these adverse circumstances, they ty to the policy and principles it advocates, have triumphed in eleven, if not twelve of the sole political test. No primary or the free States, pre-eminent for enterprise municipal election should be suffered to and general intelligence, and containing go by default. The party that would suc ceed nationally must triumph in statestriumph in the state elections, must be prepared by municipal success. time and means to consolidate its strength and mature its plans, which comprehend not only the enslavement of Kansas, and Next to the remaining power in the the recognition of slavery in all territory of states already under their control, let the the United States, but the conversion of Republicans devote themselves to the the lower half of California into a slave work of disse.ninating their principles, State, the organization of a new slavery and initiating the true course of political territory in the Gadsden purchase, the fuaction in the states which have decided the ture annexation of Nicaragua and subjuelection against them. This time we have gation of Central America, and the acquifailed, for reasons nearly all of which may be sition of Cuba; and, as the free States are removed by proper effort. Many thousand not expected to submit to all this, ultimate honest, but not well-informed voters, who dismemberment of the Union, and the forsupported Mr. Buchanan under the delu- mation of a great slaveholding_confeder sive impression that he would favor the acy, with foreign alliances with Brazil and cause of free Kansas will soon learn their Russia. It may assume at first a moderate mistake, and be anxious to correct it. The tone, to prevent the sudden alienation of its timid policy of the Republicans in New Northern allies; it may delay the developJersey, Pennsylvania, and Indiana, in post- ment of its plot, as it did under the Pierce poning their independent action, and tem- administration; but the repeal of the Misporizing with a party got up for purposes souri compromise came at last, and so will not harmonizing with their own, and the come upon the country inevitably the final conduct of Mr. Fillmore's friends in either acts of the dark conspiracy. When that voting for Mr. Buchanan, or dividing the hour shall come, then will the honest Demopposition by a separate ticket, can hardly ocrats of the free States be driven into our be repeated again. The true course of the ranks, and the men of the slave States who Republicans is to organize promptly, bold- prefer the republic of Washington, Adams ly, and honestly upon their own principles, and Jefferson-a republic of law, order so clearly set forth in the Philadelphia and liberty-to an oligarchy of slaveholdplatform, and, avoiding coalitions with ers and slavery propagandists, governed by other parties, appeal directly to the masses Wise, Atchison, Soulé, and Walker, founded of all parties to ignore all organizations in fraud and violence and seeking aggranand issues which would divert the public mind from the one danger that now threatens the honor and interests of the country, and the subtlety of the Union-slavery propagandism allied with disunionism. Let us not forget that it is not the want of generous sentiment, but of sufficient information, that prevents the American people from being united in action against the aggressive policy of the slave power. Were these simple questions submitted to-day to the people of the United States:-Are you in favor of the extension of slavery? Are you in favor of such extension by the aid or connivance of the federal government? And could they be permitted to record their votes in response, without embarrassment, without constraint of any kind, nineteentwentieths of the people of the free States, and perhaps more than half of the people of the slave States, would return a decided negative to both. Let us have faith in the people. Let us believe, that at heart they are hostile to the extension of slavery, desirous that the territories of the Union be consecrated to free labor and free institutions; and that they require only enlightenment as to the most effectual means of securing this end, to convert their cherished sentiment into a fixed principle of action. The times are pregnant with warning. That a disunion party exists in the South, no longer admits of a doubt. It accepts the election of Mr. Buchanan as affording dizement by the spoliation of nations, will bid God speed to the labors of the Republican party to preserve liberty and the Union, one and inseparable, perpetual and all powerful. Washington, D. C., Nov. 27, 1856. The Kansas Struggle. It was the removal of the interdiction against slavery, in all the territory north of 36° 30, by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise which gave legality to the struggle for Kansas, and it was the doctrine of popular sovereignty which gave an impartial invitation to both sides to enter the struggle. The aggressive men of both parties hurried emigrants to the Territory. Each accused the other of organized efforts, and soon in the height of the excitement these charges were rather confessed than denied. A new question was soon evolved by the struggle, for some who entered from the South took their slaves with them. The Free State men now contended that slavery was a local institution and confined to the States where it existed, and that if an emigrant passed into the territory with his slaves these became free. The Southern view was, that slaves were recognized as property by the National Constitution; that therefore their masters had a right to take them there and hold them under con stitutional guarantees, the same as any question which was now rapidly dividing other property; that to assert anything the two great sections of the Union. The else would be to deny the equality of the result of the long Congressional struggle States within their common territory, and over the admission of Kansas and Nebrasdegrade them from the rank of equals to ka was simply this: "That Congress was that of inferiors. This last proposition neither to legislate slavery into any Terrihad such force that it would doubtless have tory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom; received more general recognition if the but to leave the people thereof perfectly North had not felt that the early compact free to form and regulate their domestic dedicating the territories north of 36 30 institutions in their own way, subject only to freedom, had been violated. In answer to the Constitution of the United States," to this proposition they therefore pro-and it was specially prescribed that when claimed in their platforms and speeches, the Territory of Kansas shall be admitted and there was no other logical answer, as a State, it shall be admitted into the "that freedom was National, and slavery Union with or without slavery as the conSectional." stitution adopted should prescribe at the time of admission. We cannot enter upon a full description of the scenes in Kansas, but bloodshed and rapine soon followed the attempts of the opposing parties to get control of its government. What were called the " Border Ruffians" by the Free State men, because of active and warlike organization in Missouri and upon its borders, in the earlier parts of the struggle, seemed to have the advantage. They were supported by friends near at hand at all times, and warlike raids were frequent. The Free State men had to depend mainly upon New England for supplies in arms and means, but organizations were in turn rapidly completed to meet their calls, and the struggle soon became in the highest degree critical. This was, as it proved, but a temporary settlement on the principle of popular sovereignty, and was regarded at the time as a triumph of the views of Stephen A. Douglas by the friends of that great politician. The more radical leaders of the South looked upon it with distrust, but the blood of the more excitable in both sections was rapidly rising toward fever heat, and the border men from the Free and Slave States alike were preparing to act upon a compromise which in effect invited a conflict. of The Presidential election in 1856 had singularly enough encouraged the more aggressive of both sections. Buchanan's election was a triumph for the South; The pro-slavery party sustained the Fremont's large vote showed the power Territorial government appointed by the a growing party as yet but partially oradministration; the anti-slavery party re-ganized, and crippled by schisms which pudiated it, because of its presumed com- grew out of the attempt to unite all elemittal to slavery. The election for mem-ments of opposition to the Democrats. bers of the Territorial legislature had been The general plan of the latter was now attended with much violence and fraud, changed into an attempt to unite all of the and it was claimed that these things prop-free-soil elements into a party organization erly annulled any action taken by that against slavery, and from that time forbody. A distinct and separate convention ward until its total abolition slavery was was called at Topeka to frame a State constitution, and the Free State men likewise elected their own Governor and Legislature to take the place of those appointed by Buchanan, and when the necessary preliminaries were completed, they apolied for admission into the Union. After a long and bitter struggle Congress decided the question by refusing to admit Kansas under the Topeka Constitution, and by recognizing the authority of the territorial government. These proceedings took place during the session of 1856-7, which terminated immediately before the inauguraation of President Buchanan. At the beginning of Buchanan's administration in 1857, the Republicans almost solidly faced the Democrats. There still remained part of the division caused by the American or Know-Nothing party, but its membership in Congress had already been compelled to show at least the tendency of their sentiments on the great the paramount issue in the minds of the more aggressive men of the north. Lincoln voiced the feelings of the Republicans when he declared in one of his Illinois speeches: "We will, hereafter, speak for freedom, and against slavery, as long as the Constitution guaranties free speech; until everywhere, on this wide land, the sun shall shine, and the rain shall fall, and the wind shall blow upon no man who goes forth to unrequited toil." In the Congressional battle over the admission of Kansas and Nebraska, Douglas was the most conspicuous figure, and the language which we have quoted from Buchanan's inaugural was the literal meaning which Douglas had given to his idea of " popular" or "squatter sovereignty." Prior to the Kansas struggle the Free * President Buchanan's Inaugural Address. Soilers of the North had regarded Douglas | time that they were in themselves right, or as an ally of the South, and his admitted as nearly right as those who participated ambition for the Presidency gave color to in their adoption were given to see the this suspicion. He it was who reported right. There was certainly no attempt at and carried through Congress the bill for a division of right and wrong, and the the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, a closest investigation will show nothing bemeasure which at that time was thought to yond a surrender of power for the good of obstruct Southern designs in the territories all, which is in itself the very essence and of the great West, but this repeal proved beginning of government. in fact the first plain steps toward the freeWe have said that Douglas fought dom of the territories. Having repealed bravely for his idea, and every movement that compromise, something must take its in his most remarkable campaign with place, and what better than "popular Lincoln for the U. S. Senate demonstrated sovereignty," thought Douglas. Terri- the fact. The times were full of agitation tories contiguous to the Slave States, or in and excitement, and these were increased the same latitude, would thus naturally when it became apparent that Buchanan's revert to slavery; while those farther north, administration would aid the effort to and at that time least likely of early set- make Kansas a slave State. Douglas was tlement, would be dedicated to freedom. the first to see that the application of adThere was a grave miscalculation just here. ministration machinery to his principle, Slave-owners were not apt to change their would degrade and rob it of its fairness. homesteads, and could not with either He therefore resented Buchanan's interprofit or convenience carry their property ference, and in turn Buchanan's friends to new lands which might or might not be sought to degrade him by removing him fruitful in the crops best adapted to slave from the chairmanship of the Senate Comlabor. Slave-owners were few in number mittee on Territories, the position which compared with the free citizens of the had given him marked control over all North and the thousands of immigrants questions pertaining to the organization of annually landing on our shores. People territories and the admission of new who had once moved from the New Eng-States. land or Middle States westward, were rather fond of it, and many of these swelled the tide which constantly sought homes in the territories; and where these did not go in person their sons and daughters were quite willing to imitate the early adventures of their parents. All these counted for the North under the doctrine of "popular sovereignty," and it was the failure of that doctrine to aid the South which from this time forward caused that section to mistrust the friendship of Douglas. No political writer has since questioned his motives, and we doubt if it can be done successfully. His views may have undergone some change since 1850, and it would be singular if they had not; for a mind as discerning as his could hardly fail to note the changes going on all about him, and no where more rapidly than in his own State. He thought his doctrine at least adapted to the time, and he stood by it with rare bravery and ability. If it had been accepted by the Republicans, it would have been fatal to their organization as a party. We doubt the ability of any party to stand long upon any mere compromise, made to suit the exigencies and avoid the dangers of the moment. It may be said that our government, first based on a confederacy and then a constitution, with a system of checks and balances, with a division of power between the people and the States, is but a compromise; but the assertion will not hold good. These things were adopted because of a belief at the The Lincoln and Douglas Debate. The Senatorial term of Douglas was drawing near to its close, when in July, 1858, he left Washington to enter upon the canvass for re-election. The Republican State Convention of Illinois had in the month previous met at Springfield, and nominated Abraham Lincoln as a candidate for United States Senator, this with a view to pledge all Republican members of the Legislature to vote for him—a practice since gone into disuse in most of the States, because of the rivalries which it engenders and the aggravation of the dangers of defeat sure to follow in the selection of a candidate in advance. "First get your goose, then cook it," inelegantly describes the basic principles of improved political tactics. But the Republicans, particularly of the western part of Illinois, had a double purpose in the selection of Lincoln. He was not as radical as they, but he well represented the growing Republican_sentiment, and he best of all men could cope with Douglas on the stump in a canvass which they desired should attract the attention of the Nation, and give shape to the sentiment of the North on all questions pertaining to slavery. The doctrine of 'popular sovereignty was not acceptable to the Republicans, the recent repeal of the Missouri compromise having led them, or the more radical portion of them, to despise all compromise measures. The plan of the Illinois Republicans, if |