federacy by all the foreign powers would have been followed by the downfall of free institutions all over the world. This is no fancy sketch. There is not a statesman, North or South, that has not either hoped or feared such a catastrophe to the American Union, and that has not spoken or written this hope or fear, as I have in this volume. That the rescue of the American Union at Gettysburg has proved a benefaction to both sections; to the old masters and to the new freedmen; to the property of the South, the power of the West, the commerce of New York, and the manufactures of Pennsylvania; to all those who fought to save, and to all those who fought to slay the Republic, are facts as well established. Do we ever think how near we came to lose these greatest of human blessings? Had IIancock fallen on the 3d as Reynolds fell on the 1st of July, 1863, that fate might have been ours. There were brave men left; there were Generals just as experienced; there were courage, and self-sacrifice, and patriotism. That is freely admitted. But the fear was universal, and the admission was universal, that these mighty elements could not be organized again, and in reviving the fact I only repeat the apprehensions of tens of thousands of men common as the air in 1863. As inevitably as the fate of Napoleon changed the map of Europe sixty-five years ago, equally sure would have been the translation of liberty to despotism

had the Confederates carried Gettysburg in 1863. But how wonderful are the ways of Providence ! The victories of the flag of the Union on that field have been made still more victorious by the triumphant logic of the succeeding peace.

Both houses of the American Congress unanimously adopted a joint resolution, on the 21st of April, 1866 (both houses being Republican by large majorities), which joint resolution reads aş follows:

"The gratitude of the American people and the thanks of their representatives in Congress are hereby tendered to Major General Winfield S. Hancock for his gallant, meritorious and conspicuous share in that great and decisive victory, Gettysburg."

CHAPTER VI.

IN THE CAMPAIGN WITH GRANT.

N the 18th of March, 1864, the General, while actively engaged in recruiting, writes to his father from Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: "I have just received an order from the Secretary of War, to report without delay to him for instructions, prior to rejoining my command in the field. I have but time to notify you of the fact."

Rarely has such an experience occurred in the life of any soldier: General Hancock had already filled out a continuous service sufficient to make any other man famous. His record in the Mexican war, his service in the West and on the Pacific coast, his unparalleled daring in the decisive Battle of Gettysburg, would seem to have earned for him, not alone the gratitude of his country, but that rest and retirement which belong to the faithful soldier.

I was in Washington during the year of 1864, and can certify to the fact that notwithstanding the great Battle of Gettysburg and its transcen

dent result, the struggle for the republic was not yet over. Politics came in to prolong the conflict; and as the experience of all the nations has shown, every civil war is delayed by ambitious men. President Lincoln, in consideration of his distinguished services, appointed General Grant Lieutenant General of the Armies of the United States, on the 1st of March, 1864, and then began that tremendous movement which, a little more than a year after, culminated in the collapse of the Confederacy. On the 8th of March General Grant arrived in Washington to take possession of the Army of the Potomac, and I was present at Willard's Hotel when General Hancock came to pay his respects to his new leader.

The movements for the coming Presidential election were earnest and active, made the more so because Mr. Lincoln had quite an opposition in his own party. It will be recollected that Hon. Winter Davis, of Maryland, Hon. Benj. F. Wade, of Ohio, and Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Chase, with many more, were dissatisfied with the moderate course of the President. Meeting General Hancock frequently at my rooms, I can certify to the gentle manner in which he bore himself, and his severe avoidance of all participation in the political intrigues of the hour.

There were some remarkable events at that time. On Wednesday evening, the 8th of April, George Thompson, the celebrated English Aboli

tionist, made a speech in favor of American Emancipation, and during his great effort, he noticed a resolution which had been offered in the House, charging him with having said, in England, that the dissolution of the American Union was the object to be kept steadily in view. The venerable English Abolitionist, Mr. Thompson, not only denied it, but after he had done so a note was sent to him signed by Mr. Morris, who had offered the resolution, stating that the authority upon which he had offered it was a letter, which he ascertained afterwards had been forged. Among those who heard this great effort were the venerable Thaddeus Stevens, Joseph Holt of Kentucky, and Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, the latter of whom, the very day before, had made that unanswerable speech in favor of the Union, in the Senate of the United States, which deserved to be placed among the best utterances of a significant era, when hundreds of thousands of men of all parties clustered around the flag of the Union. Never before did.I hear a more magnificent vindication of the principle of true liberty. I wrote in "Occasional" as follows: "God bless Reverdy Johnson for these great words. What Democrat, what old line Whig, what American citizen will not take them to his heart, and store them like priceless jewels in the casket of his memory!"

At the same time, the Democrats of the House of Representatives in caucus assembled, on motion