some perfumed temperature of the country around Nice, Heyeres, and Cannes in Southern France. Like the volcanic soil of Italy, the natural production of Los Angelos includes a variety of different seeds and fruits, potatoes and oranges, corn and figs, wheat and lemons, pears and pomegranates, melons and dates, tobacco and grapes, sugar-cane and apples. And to complete the comparison, you see hills still white with dissolving snow, while the declivities around you are variegated with enchanting flowers. Here, to Southern California, as well, indeed, all along the coast, reaching San Francisco itself, and even Sacramento and San Jose, vast hordes of people, north and south, were attracted; chiefly by the wonderful stories of the exceeding salubrity and beauty of California. They floated in after the acquisition of that great empire under the treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, February 2, 1848, and when, in the same year, Gen. John A. Sutter announced that gold had been discovered on his lands, on the American River, by James W. Marshall, a laboring man, that thrilling news spread widely, and the immense emigration of 1849 came, a resistless exodus from all parts of our country. Gen. John A. Sutter, although born in Switzerland, February 15, 1803, spent the last years of his life in Litiz, Lancaster County, only a few hours ride from the native place of Gen. Hancock, and died on the 18th of June, 1880, in the city of Washington, and was buried at Litiz.

This American migration to California was from the North, the South, the New England States and the Middle States, made up of people with all their prejudices and their interests keenly alive. These multitudes were conscious of the fact that that splendid out-post of our new domain was the rich prize of the American conquest of the Mexican arms. Although paid for out of the National Treasury, it was a cheap outlay, considering the magnanimity that prompted the government, and the incalculable consequences of the purchase, morally, socially, politically and financially. Of this migration the best remembered were, David C. Broderick, William M. Gwin, Gen. Stoneman, W. C. Ralston, Miles Sweeny, Leland Stanford, Peter Donahue, Milton S. Latham, George W. Barton, Edward C. Baker, Calhoun Benham, Joseph C. McKibbin, Gen. Banning, Joe Hooker, Gen. John C. Fremont, Rodman M. Price, Carlisle Patterson, Collin M. Boyd, Gen. H. Gates Gibson, Paul C. Upham, Admiral Dupont, Gen. Nagley, A. D. Stevenson, Ulysses S. Grant, Philip Kearney, Edward C. Beale, Com. Stockton, Bayard Taylor, Alexander Wells; and the list could be elaborately extended, although the reader will notice that a minority only are left alive.

The men around Los Angelos, where Gen. Hancock resided for two years before the war, were bold, original and daring characters, the democrats generally with southern sympathies, and the Re

publicans in 1858 and 1859, comparatively few. In 1876, the survivors visited Philadelphia to celebrate the Centennial; and their great commemoration on Saturday, September 9th, of that year, in the Pacific Coast Centennial Hall, was an occasion never to be forgotten by those who were present.

At Los Angelos, Captain Hancock received the news of the incipient demonstrations against the Union in 1860, and it was at this critical moment that he displayed, alike his patriotism, his magnanimity and his toleration. Abraham Lincoln had been elected president of the United States in November, and it was about Christmas time when Hancock heard the fact. He had never taken part in the divisions of the democratic party, but he saw that these divisions could only end one way, and that was the defeat of the old organization to which his fathers had been attached. Enough for him that it was a constitutional election and that the republican candidate was fairly chosen. Born a Democrat himself, and never denying his attachment to that great party, he threw himself boldly into all the discussions of the hour; and while maintaining strict guard over his own temper, stood firm and fast to the old flag in the midst of the tempest of passion and fanaticism.

On the 4th of July, 1861, he made an address at the first union meeting in Los Angelos, Califor

nia. It must be recollected when this speech was pronounced that the whole of that part of the state was over-run with secession sympathisers. When it was delivered he had heard of the preparations for rebellion; but from the North he had no distinct information that the dissolution of these states had been really contemplated. There was no telegraph wire at that time between the east and west, absolutely no communication except across the plains and around by the Isthmus of Panama to San Francisco. This magnificent utterance was the simple enthusiasm of his heart at the moment. He spoke as follows:

We have met to commemorate that day of all among Americans, the most hallowed and cherished of the national memories of a life-timethe 4th of July, 1776,—that day when the reign of tyrants in the colonies of America ceased, and the reign of reason, of fraternity, and of equal political rights began.

Who on this continent does not know of the great event which transpired on that day—the anniversary of which we are met here to celebrate that event so interesting to all Americans-the declaration of our rational independence, and who among us would wish to see the day approach when that occasion should cease to be commemorated? I will not believe that any can be found so destitute of patriotic pride as not to feel in his veins a thrilling current when the deeds of his ancestors in the battle of the Revolution are mentioned.

Can any one hear the great events of that contest related without wishing that his ancestors had been personally engaged in them?

Who of us can forget the names of Lexington, of Monmouth, of Brandywine and Yorktown, and who can regret that he is a descendant of those who fought there for the liberties we now enjoy? And what flag is it that we now look to as the banner that carried us through the great contest, and was honored by the gallant deeds of its defenders? The star-spangled banner of America, then embracing thirteen pale stars, representing that number of oppressed colonies; now, thirty-four bright planets, representing that number of great states. To be sure,

clouds intervene between us and eleven of that number, but we will trust that those clouds may soon be dispelled and that those great stars in the southern constellation may shine forth again with even greater splendor than before.

Let us believe, at least let us trust, that our brothers there do not wish to separate themselves permanently from the common memories which have so long bound us together, but that when reason returns and resumes her sway they will prefer the brighter page of history which our mutual deeds have inscribed upon the tablets of time, to that of the uncertain future of a new confederation which, alas, to them may prove illusory and unsatisfactory.

Let them return to us. We will welcome them as brothers who have been estranged, but have come back. We have an interest in the battlefields of the Revolution in those States, not second to their own. Our forefathers fought there side by side with theirs. Can they, if they would, throw aside their rights to the memories of the great fields on our soil on which their ancestors won renown? No, they cannot! God forbid that they should desire it. To those who, regardless of these sacred memories, insist on sundering this union of States, let us who only wish our birth-rights preserved to us, and whose desire it is to be still citizens of the great country that, gave us birth, and to live under that flag which has gained for us the glory we boast of, say this day to those among us who feel aggrieved: Your rights we will respect; your wrongs we will assist you to redress; but the government resulting from the union of these states is a priceless heritage that we intend to preserve and defend to the last extremity.

Hancock did not long remain in California after this noble speech. He at once solicited employment in the Union army, and reported for duty in Washington, in September of 1861, when he was thirty-eight years of age. His politics are found in a letter to a friend in Pennsylvania after the outbreak of the rebellion, and these are his exact words: "My politics are of a practical kind; the integrity of my country, the supremacy of the Federal government, and an honorable peace, or none at all.