by the Plutarch method of parallels. How Mr. English was valued is shown by the following testimonials. President Buchanan wrote to him as follows:

"It was your fate to end a dangerous agitation, to confer lasting benefits upon your country, and to make your character historical. I shall remain always your friend. If I had a thousand votes you should have them all with a hearty good will."

And now let us see what his constituents said when he retired from office. The Convention which nominated his successor in Congress adopted unanimously the following resolution :

Resolved, That in selecting a candidate to represent this District in the Thirty-seventh Congress, we deem it a proper occasion to express the respect and esteem we entertain for our present member, Hon. W. II. English, and our confidence in him as a public officer. In his retirement, in accordance with his well known wishes, from the position of Representative, which he has so long filled with credit to himself and benefit to the country, we heartily greet him with the plaudit, "Well done thou good and faithful servant."

Again: Mr. English was for fifteen years intrusted with the management of one of the most important financial institutions in the West, from which he voluntarily retired with the thanks of the directors and stockholders.

"For the very great financial ability, constant watchfulness and perfect fidelity with which he has managed it from its organization to the present time."

And this resolution was offered by Colonel John C. New, now the Chairman of the Indiana Republican Central Committee.

THE CANDIDATES CONTRASTED.

Now note the career of the Republican Candidate for Vice-President, Chester Arthur:

Mr. Arthur was entrusted with the collection of the United States revenue at the city of New York. Was he faithful to that trust? This question has been answered in the negative by the highest Republican testimony in the land, and it is too clear and emphatic to be called in question or explained away.

Here is what President Hayes and John Sherman said of Mr. Arthur when he was removed from the post of Collector of New York. It is Republican testimony, and should not be questioned by Republicans.

"With a deep sense of my obligations under the Constitution, I regard it as my plain duty to suspend you in order that the office may be honestly administered.”—R. B. Hayes to Collector Arthur, January 31, 1879.

"Gross abuses of administration have continued and increased during your incumbency."-Sherman to Collector Arthur, January 31,

1879.

"Persons have been regularly paid by you who have rendered little or no service; the expenses of your office have increased, while its receipts have diminished. Bribes, or gratuities in the shape of bribes, have been received by your subordinates in several branches of the Custom House, and you have in no case supported the effort to correct these abuses."-Secre tary Sherman to Collector Arthur, January 31, 1879.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE LESSON OF HALF A CENTURY.

It will be forty-eight years next December since Andrew Jackson's proclamation, like the trumpet of the archangel, aroused the country, by directing attention to the dangers of nullification, preparing, thereby the masses for that civil war which ended in the maintenance of the sovereignty of. the Republic. When Daniel Webster, more than fifty years since, on the 26th of January 1830, opened his great speech in defense of the Union, he prefigured the text of General Jackson's proclamation. Before Webster began his immortal appeal, he set us an example which it is well for us on the outpost of another conflict, to re-publish for our own guidance and the benefit of the people:

"MR. PRESIDENT: When the mariner has been tossed for many days in thick weather, and on an open sea, he naturally avails himself of the first pause in the storm, the earliest glance of the sun to take his latitude and ascertain how far the elements have driven him from his true course. Let us imitate this prudence, and before we float farther on the waves of this debate, refer to the point from which we departed, that we may at least be able to conjecture where we now are."

I have endeavored in these pages, now brought to a close, to direct the attention to the main point in this Presidential competition, and throughout have kept my eye upon the primary duty which should govern and conclude the struggle. Mr. Webster pleaded for the union of the States; so General Hancock pleads to-day. The chief duty is how to preserve what cost so much agony to establish, so much ability to maintain, and so much blood to save.

The distressful past is dead, and nothing of the present is so strong as the fact that there is not now a living interest that does not desire the perpetuity of our free institutions, and real fraternity among our people. Those who remember the past only to recall the errors of our forefathers, to stimulate the exasperating memories of the civil war, and re-light the fires of savage sectional hatred, are the busy enemies of this great foundation Duty. They have no real concern in union, because they have no real concern in conciliation. They have no interest in peace, because they have no interest in forgiveness. They place party above country, and again seize the Presidential election to open another page of recrimination, to prolong the passions which the real founders of the Republican party all tried to subdue before they were called away.

It was a Southern man and a Democrat who taught armed nullification the danger of assailing

the Republic, in 1832, and it is a Northern man and a Democrat who in 1880, asks the people of both sections to come together in one mission of brotherhood. Both these men were soldiers: Jackson drove the British invader from the soil of Louisiana on the 8th of January, 1815; Hancock drove the Confederate invader from the soil of Pennsylvania, on the 3d of July, 1863. The people of the North and South rewarded General Jackson by electing him twice to the Presidency, and now the people of the North and South are about to elect General Hancock to the Presidency, not alone because he was among the bravest of the brave in the hour of direst peril, but was among the most magnanimous, and chiefly because he is now the leader of the only party pledged to peace and prosperity.

I think I have shown clearly that General Hancock's mission has been prepared for him by the events of the last twenty years, by the example and the efforts of the founders of the Republican party, by the guarantees made necessary to clinch and bind and rivet the Union together, by the treaty of Appomattox, and afterwards by the amendments of the Constitution, accepted solemnly by the Democratic party in National Convention assembled, and reiterated by the Democratic candidates for President and Vice-president. I have directed attention to the increasing spirit of concord and harmony among the Southern people. I have