little consequence, that it does not deserve their attention. The public entertain the same opinion; for you see the galleries are ready to break down with the weight of "strangers," as you are pleased to call the people of England. How well this circumstance proves the existence of that sympathy, which ought ever to subsist between the electors and the elected! But where is the wonder? The discussion of a plan of finance new in its kind, and extensive in its effects: a plan, upon which the minister means to build the salvation of this country, is to them an object neither of curiosity nor of interest. They treat it, as if it affected their constituents as little as themselves. But why do I talk of constituents? They have been long out of the question.

Sir, I protest this is a mere parliamentary farce, and you act a great part in this farce. I see I shall be called to order. Be it so. I will do my duty, and speak my sentiments without reserve. I repeat it, this is but a grand parliamentary farce. The minister comes down in state, attended with his creatures of all denominations, beasts clean and unclean; for the treasury, as it has been managed of late, has been worse than Noah's ark. With such, however, as they are, he comes down, opens his budget, and edifies us all with his speech. Well; he sits down. What is the consequence? One half of the House goes away. A gentleman on the opposite side gets up and harangues on the state of the nation; and, in order to keep matters even, another half retires at the close of his speech. A third gentleman follows their example, and rids the House of another half-[a loud laugh through the House]— Sir, I take the blunder to myself, and express my satisfaction at having said any thing that can put the House in good humour. Whether the House be emptied by one half, two halves, or three halves, the public is equally deserted. While gentlemen will not only not attend their duty in parliament, but disturb and confound those who would preserve at least some show of conscience, how can I help calling this a parliamentary farce? Sir, it is an egregious farce, and the nation sees and feels it. But what care they?

They are firm and steady, and despise the clamours of faction. Sir, when did you hear of an odious ministry that did not call the clamours of the people the clamours of faction? I am not surprized at their firmness and steadiness, I mean their firmness and steadiness in keeping their places. Who that is destitute of conscience and that laughs at the murmurs of his fellow-subjects, would not in this House, surrounded by a complaisant majority within doors, and defended by 40,000 men without doors; who, I say, thus disposed, would not show as much firmness and steadiness as our intrepid ministers? But have they discovered the same firmness in negociating with our enemies? that is the question. There is not a lisping infant that will not answer in the negative.

Having said thus much, let me join my right honourable friend on the floor in protesting against this new and dangerous mode, which has been lately adopted, of diverting sums appropriated by parliament to particular purposes from the specified services. If this practice be allowed, I do not see for what purpose we assemble here, and assume the name of the people's representatives. . Give but a discretionary power of this sort to any man, and he will render it impossible for you ever to know the detail of every service, or to detect him in any fraud or peculation. Far be it from me to charge Lord Sandwich with any thing of this nature. No, Sir; such an attempt would be vain; the public know him to be a man of pure hands and hallowed heart; in short, an Israclite indeed. An attack, therefore, upon his character would be as ridiculous as impotent; it would be only biting a file.

And now, Sir, indulge me with leave to say a few words upon the subject of military establishments. The practice of keeping on foot large standing armies in time of peace though not absolutely modern, (for we read of such an institution in ancient times) is new to the extent it is now carried in Europe. Charles the 5th was perhaps the first great monarch that set the example. Lewis the 14th trod in his steps. But what was the consequence of their mighty

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We

are naturally warlike, and in a short time learn tactics. Possessed of wealth, possessed of people, possessed in short of all the sinews of war, we every day gain upon the enemy, and his spirits sink as ours rise. This being evidently the state of the case, what can we mean by imitating those two states of Germany, who are gradually wasting one another's strength by an armed peace, and who are every day ruining their subjects for the show of an army, which in time will moulder away, and leave a dreadful waste behind? France has discovered the bad policy of keeping up a large army, and has therefore begun a plan of reduction. While she is retrenching, ought we to add? Let us return to our old policy, by which we grew great and glorious, and trust to our own native bravery, and the strength of our insular situation for our defence. Formerly our militia was nothing now it is added to our annual expence. When it was established ought not the regulars to have been proportionately reduced? But the minister will say, "what could be done? When France sent an armament to any part of the world, were we not forced to send out an armament of observation? If they send a fleet to the Mauritius, did not prudence require that we should send out a fleet to watch their motions?" By no means. If you follow this plan, you teach France and Spain the true method of ruining you. The most prudential method of proceeding in those cases is this: you have ambassadors at foreign courts, and if they be vigilant, they may give you intelligence of all the motions of your rivals. Without their knowledge they can send out neither fleet. nor army. As soon, therefore, as you learn that they have taken any step that indicates hostility, demand an explanation, a categorical answer, with respect to the destination of the armament; and let them know that they shall answer in Europe for any hostile measure they take in Asia or America; that you will not be pursuing them from place to place, but strike a decisive blow where it is most convenient; that instead of keeping a fleet in the East or West Indies, you will seize their merchantmen, burn their harbours, and destroy their men of

Tracce or Spain.

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ONS OF COMMITTEE-MEN

2 COMPANY.

some time before presented to ne merchants of Liverpool, coma he management of the African In that trade, was called to the sappeared, that at present the numzote for governors of the Company, About the time of election it was sts of such as were proper to be ayment of forty shillings, the corpo

; that there were strong reasons for As were made free at the expence,"not monied men, who meant to monothe Company; that very few of these file* ** qucerned in the African trade; that their hand is upon the strictest enquiry, be found he Liverpool merchants in the African London, nearly as 29 to 8, or 4 to one; -grounded complaints against the comTap Several other witnesses gave similar quence of which leave was given to bring g the future elections of committee-men

M

The bill was read a third time on

which occasion,