an officer of the army whom he may consider especially well qualified, to act under the authority of the Secretary of War as the chief of said bureau; and said officer while acting under said detail shall have the rank, pay, and allowances of a colonel.21

SEC. 88. That all acts and parts of acts inconsistent with this act are hereby repealed. [32 Stat. L., 691.] Approved, July 1, 1902.

21 See acts of Congress of June 25, 1906, March 2, 1907, and March 23, 1910, concerning the chief of bureau and assistants, their rank, etc.

APPENDIX D

UTTERANCES OF REPUBLICAN PRESIDENTS AND GOVERNORS-GENERAL ON

THE PHILIPPINES 1

In President McKinley's instructions to the first Philippine Commission, on the 20th of January, 1899, he expressed the hope that these commissioners would be received as bearers of "the richest blessings of a liberating rather than a conquering nation." In his message to Congress in the same year, among other things concerning the Philippines, he said:

"We shall continue, as we have begun, to open the schools and the churches, to set the courts in operation, to foster industry and trade and agriculture, and in every way in our power, to make these people whom Providence has brought within our jurisdiction feel that it is their liberty and not our power, their welfare and not our gain we are seeking to enhance."

And again he said:

"The Philippines are ours, not to exploit, but to develop, to civilize, to educate, to train in the science of self-government. This is the path of duty which we must follow or be recreant to a mighty trust committed to us."

Upon another occasion he said:

1 Taken chiefly from Secretary Garrison's statement before the Senate Committee on the Philippines, January 11, 1915.

"We accepted the Philippines from high duty in the interest of their inhabitants and for humanity and civilization. Our sacrifices were with this high motive. We want to improve the condition of the inhabitants, securing them peace, liberty, and the pursuit of their highest good."

In the instructions sent to one of the commissions created by him he directed:

"That in all cases the municipal officers who administer the local affairs of the people are to be selected by the people, and that wherever officers of more extended jurisdiction are to be selected in any way natives of the Islands are to be preferred, and if they can be found competent and willing to perform the duties they are to receive the offices in preference to any others. It will be necessary to fill some offices for the present with Americans, which after a time may well be filled by natives of the Islands."

President Taft, while civil governor of the Philippine Islands, on the 17th of December, 1903, said:

"From the beginning to the end of the state papers which were circulated in these islands as authoritative expressions of the Executive, the motto that the Philippines are for the Filipinos' and that the Government of the United States is here for the purpose of preserving the Philippines for the Filipinos,' for their benefit, for their elevation, for their civilization, again and again and again appear.

And upon the same occasion, and in response to a particularly vicious newspaper attack which was then being made upon him by the American papers published in the Islands, he said:

"Some of our young lions of the local press have spoken of the 'childish slogan,''The Philippines for the Filipinos.' It is unnecessary to comment on the adjective used, but it is sufficient to say that, whether childish or not, the principle makes up the web and the woof of the policy of the United States with respect to these islands as it has been authoritatively declared by two Presidents of the United States — for President Roosevelt has followed sedulously the policy of President McKinley and by the interpretation of the supreme popular will, the Congress of the United States."

He points out that the actions of the President and the instructions thereof have, by an act of Congress, been expressly approved. In further reference to this doctrine he said:

"The doctrine as interpreted in the light of these authoritative declarations assumes that the Filipino people are of future capacity but not of present fitness for self-government, and that they may be taught by the gradual extension of self-government to exercise the conservative self-restraints without which popular government is impossible. . . .

"The doctrine does not include, necessarily, the independence of the Filipino, nor any particular degree of autonomy. It is entirely consistent with the principle to object to an immediate extension of popular government on the ground that we are going too fast for the political digestion of the people, and that it is not, therefore, for their good. Whether an autonomy or independence or quasi independence shall ultimately follow in these islands ought to depend solely on the question, Is it best for the Filipino people and their welfare? . . .

"I think I have demonstrated by what I have quoted and the instances I have cited that the doctrine The Philippines for the Filipinos' is one which the honor of the United States requires it to enforce throughout these islands. Not only was it promised to the Filipinos when the Americans came, after they had been here, during the insurrection, and at its close, but I do not think it too much to say that the reiteration of the promises as shown in legislation carrying out these principles had much to do with bringing about the present tranquillity in these islands..."

It is interesting to note his next direct reference to this matter, because it shows that the conditions which existed in December of 1903 are still existent. He said:

"There are many Americans in these islands, possibly a majority, and this includes all the American press, who are strongly opposed to the doctrine of The Philippines for the Filipinos.' They have no patience with the policy of attraction, no patience with attempts to conciliate the Filipino people, no patience with the introduction into the government as rapidly as their fitness justifies of the prominent Filipinos. They resent everything in the government that is not American. They insist that there is a necessity for a firm government here rather than a popular one, and that the welfare of Americans and American trade should be regarded as paramount. It is possible to trace the history of the formation of these views."

And he then proceeds to do so, in the course of which he says:

With the lack of logic, so characteristic of human nature, the merchant who finds hard times coming on,