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independent Armenia, and there seems no solution of their tariffs on foreign goods in accordance with their the Armenian question except Russian annexation. own views of sound policy. The belief in Russian advance as Armenia's ultimate fate is not, however, inconsistent with a demand for

The close of the year now near at hand

The Drift of reformed administration on Turkey's part. Under

the Year.

of naturally suggests the question as to the the treaty of Berlin the great powers have a right to

drift and tendency of affairs during the demand good government in Armenia. Now that twelve months. Is the drift backward or forward, reports of a great massacre, in wbich from five thou toward peace or war, toward barbarism or civilizasand to ten thousand people were butchered, have tion, progress or retrogression ? The answer will been too well authenticated to be denied, the powers vary according to our moods and sympathies. But have begun to take an interest in the situation. An the general tendency seems to be forward, although inquiry has been set on foot by the Sultan, which, many of the agencies and instruments whereby peace, of course, will result inerely in the whitewashing of progress, and civilization have been attained are being everybody concerned. There has been much pressure used up in the movement. Parties and churches and upon our authorities at Washington in behalf of the empires are like the baggage wagons of an army in Armenians, but England and Russia are the powers progress. They wear out and break down and diswhich, for diplomatic and practical reasons, can best appear and are forgotten, but the army arrives. So intervene and proceed to compel the Porte to give the it is with the human race. The Chinese Empire, with Armenians a decent government. After all, the plan all its faults, has for millenniums done a civilizing that the civilized world would most readily approve work among a third of the human race. It is crumbwould be an understanding with England by which ling beneath the blows of the Japanese. The Russian Russia should send her massed troops across the Czar, who for the last twelve years has kept the peace frontier and proceed to Russianize the whole of Ar- of Europe, is dead. The American Democratic party, menia, bringing her Cossacks to teach the Kurds a the hope of the free traders, was overwhelmed at the lesson in fighting. Russia's marvelous success in the November elections by an electoral avalanche of disadministration of her new central Asiatic provinces, aster. In England the Liberal party is marching to and the industrial development of the Caspian coun- the abyss. And yet who is there who does not feel try under her recent policy in that direction, have that the securities for civilization in the East, peace begun to win very favorable comment. As rulers of in Europe, political progress in America, aud reform subject races, the Turks have shown themselves in- in England, have been strengthened rather than capable of anything except cruelty and corruption. weakened in the course of the year? The English and Russians would seem to be the two modern peoples who can govern Asiatics in such a

The first of all interests is peace, and the

The Prince manner as to improve their condition and insure of Wales disappearance of the stalwart form of something like safety, peace and justice.

and Peace. “The Great Emperor of Peace” occa

sioned for a moment a thrill of awe through the The Japanese armies, at last accounts, were Continent. But hope springs eternal in the human The War advancing step by step toward Pekin. breast, and the manifest rapprochement between in China.

China's demoralization seemed well nigh England and Russia that followed the death of complete. The outside world is only beginning to Alexander III has revived the confidence of all those understand somewhat concerning the lack of any. who know that the entente between London and St. thing like national integration in the Chinese empire. Petersburg is the sine quâ non of tranquillity in Asia. As Mr. Julian Ralph, who is now sending letters The public both in Russia and in England has noted from China, has explained it, the Chinese are a peo with satisfaction, even with joy, the close intimacy ple, but not a nation. He remarks that their present between the young Czar and his uncle the Prince of attitude is something like that of a great quantity of Wales. For three long and trying weeks—weeks leaden shot, scattering in all directions when the bag which count for more than as many years—the Czar which contained them bursts. The other provinces and the Prince stood always side by side before the have not the faintest intention, apparently, of coming world in public, and in private they were not less to the support of those immediately involved in the intimate. It is not too much to say that since the war. A change of dynasty, as a result of the Jap- death of the Czar the Prince of Wales has had his anese invasion, seems not improbable. The Japanese first great opportunity of exerting the imperial inhave declared their willingness to make terms when fluence that belongs to his exalted position, free from China shall directly appeal to Japan, but not sooner. the trammels of the court or the embarrassing Meanwhile, the Japanese, as a result of this military anxieties of cabinet ministers. By universal consent venture, are to gain at a stroke what they have for the Prince has risen to the height of his great opporso long been anxiously pleading-namely, the revision tunity, and without meddling in politics or playing of the galling treaties which have limited their fiscal at diplomacy has done more to place the relations beand judiciary independence. The day of European tween the two Empires on a foundation of personal and American consular courts in Japan will soon be confidence and affection than could have been acnumbered ; and the Japanese see before them clearly complished by all their statesmen and all their amthe time when they will be at liberty to raise or lower bassadors.

This, says Mr. Chamberlain, is a practical programme, a serious programme, which will meet with little opposition and which can be passed within a reasonable compass of time. Above all he reminds us it can be passed through the Lords.

If princes are being utilized to do the work The Peers

and of the peace society, the English peers are Reform. being employed in the work of social reform. In old times it used to be said that one of the favorite expedients of the aristocracy was to engage the attention of the people in a foreign war in order to stave off domestic reform. To-day the peers all unknowingly have taken exactly the opposite course. By their attitude of uncompromising opposition to the concession of Home Rule to Ireland they have compelled their own party to concentrate attention upon projects of social reform. By waging war to the death with Archbishop Walsh, they have given over the citadel to Mr. Chamberlain. To strengthen their ranks against a political change in Ireland they are acquiescing in a social revolution at their own doors. It is interesting and full of suggestive significance. Upon all political and constitutional changes opposed by the Tory party-upon Home Rule, upon Disestablishment, upon Prohibition—they have laid a veto. They are “ Thou shalt not” incarnate. But as a party must do something, the Conservatives are driven to adopt a programme of social reform which they would have opposed tooth and nail if it had been brought forward by the Liberals.

. And Mr. Chamberlain is the zealous Mr. Chamberlain as Tory bellwether of the flock. Liberals la

ether. mented when Mr. Chamberlain forsook the party with which he had been accustomed to act. It seemed like the extinction of a personal force which had been confidently counted upon in the interest of progress and reform. But wisdom is justified of her children, and every one can now see that Mr. Chamberlain has been, and is, and is likely to be, more potent in the Tory camp than he ever could have been among the Liberals. There are plenty of reformers of his type in the Liberal ranks. The Tories have none but Mr. Chamberlain. He is a kind of solitary Radical missionary permeating the Conservative heathen with doctrines of social reform. From the point of view of such men as the Earl of Wemyss and all hidebound Conservatives of the old school, Mr. Chamberlain, far more than Lord Rosebery or Mr. Labouchere, is the enemy to be feared and hated. Mr. Chamberlain believes that he won the General Election of 1885 by his unauthorized programme. In the counties, as Mr. Labouchere put it in his gay and picturesque fashion, “ Joseph saved us. His three acres and a cow simply romped in.” Mr. Chamberlain expects to render the same service for the Conservative Party in 1895 that he rendered to the Liberals ten years ago. Last month he repeated in Lancashire the appeal which he had previously addressed to Birmingham. Here, he said, is a Policy of Construction :

1. Municipal monopoly of public houses.

2. State loans to enable workmen to buy their own houses.

3. Old Age Pensions.
4. Tribunals for Industri 1 Art itration.
5. A Veto on Pauper Immigration.
6. A better Employers' Liability bill than that of 1894.

The Torin. Lord Salisbury at Edinburgh and the Duke Adopt the of Devonshire at Barnstaple, have given Programme. Mr. Chamberlain's unauthorized programme their solemn and official benediction. Mr. Chamberlain declares :

I am perfectly satisfied with their statements on the subject of iny programme, and as a Conservative government gave free education and allotments legislation, I have confidence that they will take up and carry to a successful issue the Unionist programme of social reform which is now before the country, many of the items of which have already been advocated by Conservative members, and which has received the support of some of the most influential Conservative organizations. The strength of Mr. Chamberlain's position is the fact that he may claim truly enough that he has the House of Lords in his pocket. But the question whether any party in the state can afford to allow its opponent to carry a branch of the legislature about with it in its pocket is one which admits of only one answer.

The Liberals, in face of the Tory monopoly An Inevitable of the upper chamber, must make a stand Conflict. or consent to their own virtual extinction. If the Conservatives fail to see this, let them ask what they would think of the monarchy, if the Prince of Wales when he came to the throne were to pose as a thorough-going Radical and to refuse to give the royal assent to any measure passed by the Conservatives. The Tories themselves would declare that in such a case the monarchy would not be worth six months' purchase. Neither party can afford to allow an integral part of the legislative machine to pass solidly and permanently into the hands of its opponents without acquiescing at the same time in its own annihilation as an instrument of government. Hence the question of the peers is for the Liberals a question of life and death. That, and that alone, explains why,with infinite reluctance and without any clear and definite plan, Lord Rosebery has been compelled to challenge the peers to a conflict, the immediate result of which is unfortunately a foregone conclusion.

The Justifica

.. Lord Rosebery could not help himself. tion of Lord He was compelled to offer battle, and to

Rosebery, do so in such fashion as to render it possible for him to carry his party with him. All that his promised resolution proposes to do is to raise the issue, whether or not the nation desires to be governed by the will of its elected representatives or by the will of four hundred peers ? He emphasizes his opinion in favor of a second chamber, because, if he did not, the vehemence of his Radical supporters would give the country cause to believe the resolution was equivalent to a declaration in favor of a single chamber. ive programme and secured the defeat of the Liberal interloper by 286 votes, where Sir John Rigby had previously been elected by a majority of 866. Hence deep dismay and grave searchings of heart in the Liberal ranks.

But the Forfarshire ploughman is not the Scho Miorst. Grand Elector of the British Empire; and

if Forfarshire stood alone there would be no need for Liberal despondency. But much more serious than the loss of half a dozen by-elections has been the loss of Mr. Schnadhorst. Mr. Schnadhorst for a dozen years and more has been the Carnot,

Lord Rosebery, like a prudent man, tries to take one step at a time. He is in command of a mixed host of “menders” and “ enders.” To be able to fight at all, he must offer menders and enders some common formula around which they can rally. This he has discovered in his declaration that the House of Commons must be the paramount partner. As to the second step, whether it must be in the direction of ending or mending,—that must wait until the first has been taken. And nothing seems to be more certain than that the first step will not be taken until the next general election but one.

The result of Forfarshire by-election, The Warning where a Unionist carried what had long from Forfar. been regarded as one of the safest Radical seats in Scotland, has tended to increase the general feeling among the Liberals that they have no chance worth speaking of at the general election. It is true that the cards were packed in favor of the Unionist. The late Liberal member had disgusted his constituents by leaving them after he had secured for himself legal promotion and before he had secured for his ploughmen electors the statutory halfholiday which they covet much more than Home Rule. The Liberal candidate was a stockbroker from London. The Unionist candidate was the representative of Lord Dalhousie, commanding all the

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MR. SCHNADHORST. who organized victory for the Liberals. He was the tried and trusted chief of the staff at the party headquarters, a post for which he had every qualification but one. That defect, not noticed when he was in the saddle, te ls heavily against the party to-day. He trained no successor. He had assistants, and another man now sits in his sanctum ; but there is no Schnadhorst II. And therein the Liberals suffer a grievous injury which will cost them many seats at the gen-, eral election.

HON. CHARLES MAULE RAMSAY, M.P.,

Successor to Sir John Rigby.

support naturally given to a landlord as liberal and generous as the late Earl, and pledged moreover to a programme more Radical than that of most ministerialists. Free trout fishing, Mr. Chamberlain's social programme, a wide and liberal measure of local government for Ireland, and Home Rule for Scotland so far as to have all Scotch business transacted at the Scotch capital,—these things made up an attract

Irish Disunion

The danger of a crushing Liberal defeat the Hope may lead the Irish factions to drop their of Unionism. internecine feuds. It would be well if Mr. Healy and Mr. Redmond and Mr. Justin McCarthy could be shut up like a jury, without fire, food or drink until they arrived at an agreement by which they could spike the Unionists' chief argument. That is based upon the rooted conviction that the Irish are a race afflicted, as by some strange curse, with an utter lack of that political common sense which finds expression in the give and take of sensible compromise, without which self-government is impossible. At present there is but small sign of any movement in this direction. The Parnellites, whose object it seems to be to borrow, even from the

charnel-house of death, poison with which to envenom the weapons of political controversy, quote the Duke of Devonshire's speech at Barnstaple as a justifica ion for prolonging the present anarchy of faction among Irish patriots. The Duke said :

We can offer to the people of Ireland their full share of all those reforms, political or social, which we think a wider knowledge of the wants of the people and a fuller sympathy have brought into our view. This, it is argued, may mean that Ireland will receive local self-government from the hands of the Unionists. If the Irish prefer a Local Government bill to Home Rule, no doubt this may come true. But do they? That is for the Parnellites to decide.

The London school board election conLondon School Board test was prosecuted with unusual acri

Election. mony on both sides. Churchmen maligned Nonconformists as Atheists, and Nonconformists discredited a good cause by making party capital out of the private devotions of Mr. Athelstan Riley, whom they. regarded as a Romanist in disguise. The odium theologicum, however, usually bears these poisonous fruits. The real and the only important issue from a practical point of view was not theological but educational. The denomination alists had starved the board schools lest they should compete at an advantage with the schools of the church. That policy of the “stingy stepmother” was the thing against which the indignation of the citizens was directed. The result was unexpectedly favorable to the opponents of the church party. The Progressives polled a clear plurality of 135,000 votes, representing a majority of some 30,000 voters. The East and South of London gave a heavy majority for the Progressives. The strength of the Moderates lay in the wealthy voters of the City, Westminster, Chelsea and Kensington. So decisive a victory at the polls has filled the Liberals with delight and the denominationalists with disınay.

The moral effect of this emphatic deliverCumulative ance by the citizens was partially obscured Vote.

ote. by the fact that, owing to the fitful operation of the cumulative vote, a party with a majority of about 130,000 voters in the constituencies finds itself in a minority of three on the board. The result is due to the collapse of the Labor and Social Democratic parties. When the Progressives nominated their candidates they only nominated twenty-eightsufficient to give them a majority of one if every candidate was elected, relying upon the return of a sufficient number of Labor or Socialist candidates to make up for any casualties among the Progressives. But as often happens in a severe contest, the forces of gravitation proved irresistible. Citizens who might in ordinary times have voted for independent candidates, rallied to the regular party ticket when they got interested in the main issue. As the result, the independent candidates were “left" everywhere. The cumulative vote, which was invented to give representation to minorities, left the Labor, Socialist, and Catholic groups without a solitary representative

on the board. This system, advocated as an ideal plan for apportioning seats in proportion to the number of the voters, worked out in practice so as to give a majority of the seats to the minority of the voters.

on The school-board elections in London School-Board were immediately preceded by similar

Elections. elections in Birmingham, Liverpool, Manchester, Rochdale and Salford, and followed by others in Bradford, Gateshead and Sheffield. The results call for little remark, the status quo being left on the whole unchanged. The attempt to run Labor candidates met with very slight success. The Labor party won two seats from the church party at Rochdale and one from the Progressives at Salford. None of their candidates were elected at Liverpool, Manchester or Birmingham. The most notable feature in these elections was the return of Mr. Anstell, the representative of the Teachers' Association, at the head of the poll at Birmingham. Mr. Anstell polled 146,000 votes out of a total of 390,508, polling actually more than the total, 121,488, which returned the whole Liberal eight! The next highest poll was 33,329. If the Birmingham teachers had run a teachers' ticket and distribated Mr. Anstell's votes they might have had a majority on the board. In West Lambeth Mr Macnamara, the teachers' candidate, polled the heaviest vote cast in London-viz., 48,255. The advent of the teachers as a force in British school-board politics is a new and somewhat significant feature of these elections. he Teacher The teachers if they please can without

much difficulty elect the English school Politics. boards. They have the confidence of the parents. They are closer to the electors than any politicians, and if they choose to follow Mr. Macnamara and Mr. Anstell, they can oust both Progressives and denominationalists, and run the elementary schools to suit themselves. Mr. Bryce adverted to another phase of this question when speaking at Clerkenwell on education for citizenship :

In view of the ever-increasing duties of citizens in the exercise of their several franchises, the function of the teachers became one of the most important in the State. There had been countries where almost everything depended upon the teachers. In Bulgaria, after the Turks were driven out, this class became the most important in the community. The teachers became the ministers and administrators of the country and had enjoyed ever since a largo share in its government. Again, in Germany in her dark period between the great peace in 1815 and the revolutionary outbreaks of 848, it was by the German professors that the torch of freedom was kept alive and the dream of a revived Germany cherished. In this country the elementary teachers would have much to do in molding the future citizens of the country. It would be their duty to cultivate these principal qualities in their pupils: First, intelligence to appreciate the real issues before them ; secondly, independence of all sinister influences, whether of employer, or of political organization, or even of spiritual adviser. Above all, the voter should take care that the controller of the organization should not “boss” it, as t' e Americans said. The third quality was interest and earnestness.

The

will find, as England did in Afghanistan, that it is easier to take a wolf by the ears than it is to make a sou by the tanning of his hide. The Hovas have General Fever to decimate the army of their invaders, and civilization has not yet made a road for the powdercart to the Malagasy capital. It is interesting to note that the French profess to dread the ambition of “that daring, ardent and venturesome man of genius," Mr. Rhodes. This is almost the first case since the days of Clive and of Warren Hastings of a British colonial statesman big enough to cast a shadow that can be felt in Paris. Mr. Rhodes is ambitious enough, no doubt, but he has hitherto manifested no anxiety to interfere with the

French in Madagascar. The opening of the session of the Reichstag, Affairs

in together with the dedication of its new Germany. parliament house in Berlin, was an occasion upon which the interest that might naturally have

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THE NEW REICHSTAG BUILDING.

Of one thing we may be quite sure. The policy of the “stingy stepmother" will never command the enthusiasm of the teachers.

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The most important event in the BritCecil Rhodes

and South ish colonial world has been the arrival African Affairs.

Affairs. of Mr. Cecil Rhodes with his staff in London, and the subsequent publication of the agreement between the South African Chartered Company and the British Government, by which the administration of the British sphere of influence up to Tanganyika is made over to the company. This is equivalent to the “ Well done, good and faithful servant; thou hast been faithful over a few things, I will make thee ruler over many things.” Mr. Rhodes will no longer subsidize the British Empire by defraying the cost of Nyassaland. That will pass into Mr. Johnston's hands and be administered at the cost of the Empire. But he will undertake to answer for order in all the Hinterland up to the southern shore of Tanganyika. His telegraph to Cairo is being pushed northward, and all seems to be going well with this most prosperous of Africanders. If the lady dentist in San Francisco who has introduced the fashion of setting diamonds in the front teeth of lovely women should inaugurate a new and popular craze, Mr. Rhodes would probably feel strong enough to undertake a mission to the Mahdi. For Mr. Rhodes keeps the strong box of the Golconda, wherein are most of the diamonds of the world, and not even a 25 per cent. duty can shut the gems of De Beers from the United States.

The French last month decided to send The French

in an expeditionary army of 15,000 men, Madagascar. at the cost of $12,500,000, to Madagascar to subdue the Hovas and convert that country of prospective gold fields into a French colony. They

THE LATE PRINCESS BISMARCK,

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