WHAT

HAT John Bright was to the commercial classes in London forty years ago, John Burns is to the working-people to-day. Bright's ambition was to strike off the shackles which prevented the expansion of trade. Burns' object is to widen the field of social opportunity for the workers. He is the leading type of the new democracy, which advocates reform along social and municipal lines without disturbing the system of political institutions-simply adapting it to the social needs of the time.

During the last ten years John Burns has bulked larger in the eyes of the working-people of England than any other popular leader. First as agitator and demagogue he was to be found in the spare hours which he spent outside the engineer's shop speaking at street corners and commons in Battersea and coming into conflict with the police. He was the "Man with the Red Flag," who became the orator for the crowds of unemployed who gathered in Trafalgar Square, and got himself many times arrested, twice tried, and once convicted for seditious conspiracy. He pleaded for the poor and thundered against the privileged in the people's forum of Hyde Park, and wherever there was work to be done in strikes or in agitations, or wherever there were heads to be broken, Burns was to be found in the midst of the discontented ready to run any risks, legal or physical.

All this stormy work in the early years of the agitator has been changed for calmer but not less determined tactics. Burns has become a power in the land. Classes who formerly despised him now respect him; the police who batoned him now bow to him; Battersea, which was ashamed of him, now glories in him; London, which looked upon him with alarm and felt safer when he was in Pentonville Prison, now treasures him as a valuable public servant. The agitator, demagogue, and socialist has become a municipal statesmen and parliamentarian without losing his individuality, or without sacrificing his opinions.

AS AGITATOR.

John Burns-a Scotsman in origin, a Londoner in birth and a cosmopolitan in sympathies-began agitating when he was in his teens. Battersea-his birth-place-the scene of his later triumphs, was the centre of his early operations. He imbibed the rudiments of education at the parish school, but continued to burn the midnight oil when as a boy he worked in

three others for seditious conspiracy on the occasion of a riot when shop windows of the West End were broken, and bread stolen from bakers' shops. He was then known as the "Man with the Red Flag," and the powerful speech which he made at his trial got him acquitted along with his colleagues in the dock. A year later he was again in the clutches of the police on the occasion of the Trafalgar Square riot. The government had closed the Square and the Radicals organized an attack upon it. Burns and Cunninghame Graham, M. P.-a stormy petrel in Parliament, half Celt, half Moor-were the only two who risked a conflict with the police. They were knocked on the head and locked up.

Burns made another big speech at the trial, but was convicted and sent to prison for three months-an experience which has enabled him to agitate in Parliament in favor of prison reform, and obtain a departmental inquiry.

AS TRADE UNIONIST AND ORGANIZER.

Burns has been always a strong advocate of trade unionism. He has been a leading member of the Amalgamated Engineers ever since he learned the trade. He thought that the unskilled as well as the skilled workers should combine, and the great Dock strike of 1889 gave him his opportunity. Casual labor at the docks had been always a pitiful spectacle. Dock workers, 'longshoremen and others of that class were the most helpless of workingmen-always at the mercy and caprice of their employers. Burns took the leading part in the strike which resulted in the formation of the Dock Union; he worked night and day and turned himself prematurely old. His coal black hair was gray when the struggle was over and he was only turned thirty.

THE NEW UNIONISM.

This was the foundation of the new unionism. It was successful because it was not merely an industrial question, but a humanitarian problem. It was a demand for a "living wage"-for a moral minimum of sixpence an hour and for eight hours a day. The new unions collected funds for protection or fighting only. They were not mutual benefit concerns. During the next two years there was great expansion of the new unionism, although there has been reaction since then. Many of the unions have been dissolved. This kind of unionism, which does not rest upon purely industrial questions, and which is not maintained by mutual benefit organization, will always be subject to peculiar vicissitudes. The benefits of the dock strike have, however, been permanent, and what is more they did no harm to trade, as the shipping trade at the port of London actually increased.

If new unions have not made much progress, the new unionism and the principles it implied have triumphed. At the trade union congress at Liverpool in 1890 the new unionism first came into serious conflict with the old. Its representatives, led by Burns, advocated a legal eight-hours day, and the organization of industry on collectivist principles. They were

BATTERSEA TOWN HALL.

then in a small but powerful minority, and Mr. Henry Broadhurst, then secretary of the Parliamentary committee, led the attack against them. Burns and his colleagues, Tom Mann, Ben Tillett, and others were excluded from the cabinet of trade unionism. Three years later, at Belfast, the new unionism had not only permeated the old, it had absorbed the old, and Burns was elected at the top of the Parliamentary committee and made its chairman, and Henry Broadhurst was defeated. This year, at Norwich, the advanced party were dominant, and the parliament of British trade unionists, instead of demanding simply peddling political reforms, declared practically in favor of socialism, and Burns was again elected at the top of the Parliamentary committee. Henry Broadhurst meanwhile having been twice defeated at elections turned opportunist and followed the party he three years before abused.

BURNS AND BATTERSEA.

Battersea, the birthplace and home of John Burns, is one of the administrative units of London, a parish with a population of 160,000, of whom 90 per cent. belong to the industrial and laboring classes. It was, therefore, a first rate place for a labor agitator. Burns never took part in the Local Municipal Council-known as the Vestry-but has organized the democracy in the district and molded the municipal policy carried out by the Vestry. It was not till 1887 that Battersea obtained local autonomy, and enjoyed full administrative powers. The local elections were fought by the Labor League, which was created by Mr. Burns, and is the the organization which "runs" him for elections.

Burns has been very closely identified with the municipal renaissance of Battersea, and but for him it would not have taken place. Although only constituted a municipal authority in 1887 Battersea now possesses: 1. A splendid public library-supported out of the rates-with two branches, bringing free reading to the doors of all its people. The libraries are open on Sundays.

2. Public baths and wash-houses, where people may have baths of all kinds at a very moderate charge, including the largest swimming-bath in London, and where the poor housewife can use all the most improved machinery for washing.

3. New municipal buildings, with a Town Hall capable of holding 1,500 people.

4. A Polytechnic Institute, a real people's university, and the best of its kind in equipment in London. These institutions are not the most notable things in Battersea's municipal policy. It was one of the first districts in London to abolish contractors and employ direct labor. All new streets and sewers are now made by the Works department. The local governing authority has its own horses, carts, plant, and constantly employs over 500 men on municipal work. The streets are cleaned every day, and dust and ashes collected from houses once a week. dust and waste products are consumed in a destructor. The clinker which comes from the furnaces is used for making up new streets, and, out of other products of the dust, concrete is made and material found for the manufacture of tar paving.

The

All this shows that the municipal policy of Battersea is decidedly an economic one. The local authority works its men only eight hours a day, pays trade union wages, and insists that all contractors it employs for building, etc., shall do the same. It arranges the work so as to have most doing in the winter sea son when trade is slack. It contemplates establishing

a Works department to erect its own buildings, and is maturing a scheme for municipal electric lighting. I may add that, notwithstanding its high preponderance of laboring and poor people, Battersea has a smaller percentage of criminals to population than any district in the metropolis. I have made these references to Battersea to indicate the practical character of Burns as a reformer, as all the improvements carried out have had his support.

BURNS AS MUNICIPAL COUNCILOR.

The various districts like Battersea-forty-one in all-which make up London, never enjoyed union and homogeneity under representative government until the establishment of the County Council in 1889. A central authority there was before, but it was neither representative nor enterprising, and it was corrupt. The creation of the Council gave Burns the opportunity to put in practice some of the theories which he advocated. He had the chance to become a practical administrator. He was exceedingly popular with the people, as he had not long been out of prison for maintaining the right of free meeting in Trafalgar Square. Although he had directed parochial affairs in Battersea from the outside, it was not known whether he would be a useful servant inside the municipal machine.

FIRST ELECTION ADDRESS.

He stood for Battersea as a "workman and social democrat" and declared that he was 66 an uncom

promising advocate of principles that the County Council can adapt to the requirements of our municipal life, and through their extension raise the social, moral and physical well-being of the whole community." This address contained some "tall orders" which experience has taught him to modify, such as the demand that the Council "undertake the organization of industry and distribution," and some proposals which practice has shown had better be left for the District authorities, such as the establishment of free baths. Half the points in his programme-some of which were included in other progressive programmes-have been or are being carried out. The Council has built artisans' dwellings, let at rents just sufficient to cover cost and maintenance; it has erected a municipal lodging house; it has purified the Thames; obtained equalization of rating; it pays its workmen trade union wages, and works as nearly as possible eight hours a day; it has provided free gymnasiums in the Parks, and is acquiring the street railways and the water supply. All these points were referred to in Burns' first address. He was the only direct labor representative on the first Council and was elected at the top of the poll in Battersea. It took some time before the Council got used to Burns, but it was not long before he made his influence felt. It was a new experience to another gentleman-Lord Rosebery, who had submitted himself to popular election. The two poles of the social world met in London's first parliament, and it was significant that the peer and the working engineer at once became friends. Burns walked home from the first meeting with Lord Rosebery and the lord learned something of the needs of the workers of London from one of themselves. Lord Rosebery considered then, as he does now, that men like Burns are better inside the Council than outside, and Burns

considers that there is no reason why a peer should not be made an instrument to push onward the democratic machine

AS ADMINISTRATOR.

On the County Council Burns has proved himself essentially a worker. The Council transacts its business by departmental committees, the principal of which are the Main Drainage committee, the Parks and Open Spaces committee, the Bridges committee, the Works committee, the Fire Brigade committee and the Highways committee. Burns attached himself to those departments with which labor was most concerned. As the Council employed a large number of contractors the first thing done was to make them pay trade union wages and observe trade union hours. This was done by adopting the following resolution :

Any person or firm tendering for any contract with the Council shall make a declaration that they pay such rate of wages and observe such hours of labor as are generally accepted as fair in their trade.

Penalties were imposed for breaches of contract, and clauses introduced to prohibit sub-letting. These labor clauses have gradually been strengthened so that there is no possibility of contractors evading them. Mr. Burns' hand was not much seen in the development of the Council's labor policy. It was his mind which evolved and directed the policy, but he got others to move his resolutions. It has been his general plan to get others less likely to provoke hostility to act for him. He lies in wait and pulverizes the opposition. He is a constant attendant at committee meetings, but rarely speaks in the Council Chamber. When he does speak it is always to some purpose. He has become a great tactician.

One of the departments to which Mr. Burns at

tached himself was that which had the disposal of the main drainage of London, and what has been done for labor in this department will indicate what has been done in others. The department is occupied with the disposal of the sewage produced by over 5,000,000 of people. The Main Drainage system under its control extends beyond the metropolitan boundary. Over 68,000,000,000 gallons of sewage produced in the year is taken to precipitation works on the banks of the Thames and transformed into a clear, innocuous effluent, which flows into the river, and into thousands of tons of solid sludge, which is shipped to sea. The Council has carried out many improvements in the working of this department, but London is more particularly concerned just now with the better treatment of labor. Through the efforts of Mr. Burns the hours of labor have been reduced from sixty-eight per week to fifty-four, and the wages of mechanics and others increased by several shillings per week. Engineers receive £2 per week, fitters 9 pence an hour, or £2. 0/6, smiths, 9 pence an hour, flushers, 30 shillings. Mechanics have had their weekly wages increased from 39 shillings to 46 shillings. All men receive ten days' holiday in the summer, and six general holidays. They receive medical attendance and sick pay, and a large number of them are provided with free quarters, coal and gas. The Council has built a number of cottages to accommodate them near the works, and provided a dining room where they may take their meals in the middle of the day. What has been done in the Main Drainage department has also been done in the Parks, Bridges, and other departments of the Council's work. A minimum wage of 24 shillings per week is given to the lowest class of unskilled labor employed in any department.

THE WORKS DEPARTMENT OF THE COUNTY COUNCIL. In the mean time, when the status of the municipal worker was being improved, whether he was employed by contractors or the Council, a new development was taking place-the elimination of the contractor in the execution of new works. The Council had in its first year, on the proposition of the Main Drainage committee, at the instigation of Burns, passed the following resolution :

That all work of a continuous nature which does not involve a large outlay for plant, such as the cleansing and watching of the bridges and embankments under the control of the Council, be executed as far as possible by men directly employed by the Council without the intervention of a contractor.

This rule was acted upon and greatly exceeded by several committees, which commenced executing work which was new and not continuous. The most notable work carried out by the Main Drainage committee was constructing a new sewer. There was a strike of contractors against the Council and no reasonable tender for the work was obtained. The engineer's estimate for the work was £7,000; the lowest tender was £11,500, and the Main Drainage committee, acting as its own contractor, with Mr. Burns as general manager, executed the work for £5,163. The very best material was used and the highest wages paid. This job was an eye-opener to contractors. A smaller work was also an object lesson in favor of direct labor. A school had to be built for the Main Drainage department to accommodate the children of men employed at its work. The estimate for the work was £900, the lowest tender received was £2,200, and the work was executed without a contractor for £700. With these two and other similar encouraging examples before them, the