quito Indians were also easily brought to the same conclusion. But it is claimed by the Nicaraguan government that the assimilation of the Mosquito Coast was very seriously interfered with by a conspiracy of pecuniarily interested foreign residents at Bluefields. It is also declared that a certain Mr. Hatch was especially active and obnoxious in his opposition to the Nicaraguan government. It appears that this Mr. Hatch was not an Englishman, but that he held a commission as vice-consul for Great Britain. As a part of the military movement necessary on Nicaragua's part in restoring order and coming into possession of her own territory, several foreigners were expelled from Bluefields. One of these men was Mr. Hatch. The British Government has chosen to take the position that the injured dignity of Great Britain required some reparation for Hatch's expulsion.

The Moral Technically there is some ground for this Bearings of contention. But morally, -unless we are the Case. greatly in error as to the real facts,-the damages are all on the other side, and Nicaragua ought to be compensated for the conduct of Mr. Hatch and others, including several Americans, who attempted to oppose the sovereignty of the Nicaraguan government over Nicaraguan soil. At least, in the ordinary course of diplomatic intercourse it would have been the simple and courteous solution to allow some inquiry to be made into the facts in order to determine whether or not Great Britain was entitled to an indemnity, and if so to how much. The British Government would listen to no proposals for such an inquiry, but peremptorily demanded the payment of a sum fixed at about $75,000. No reason has been assigned why this particular amount of money should have been asked. The whole demand was a purely arbitrary fine. Nicaragua was allowed

no opportunity to ask questions or to discuss either the amount or the terms. Nicaragua plead inability to pay instantly, as demanded, and the British Government made an ultimatum. If the money were not forthcoming within a certain number of hours the town of Corinto would be seized, the British flag would float on the custom-house, British officials would take possession of the revenues and the indemnity would be seized out of Nicaragua's public funds. This of course was as much an act of war as would have been the bombardment of Corinto. The money not being forthcoming, the custom-house was actually seized. The Nicaraguans, however, were ingenious enough to declare Corinto a closed port and to forbid the payment of customs through the office at that point. Nicaragua then agreed to pay within two weeks the ransom demanded, and England withdrew from Corinto.

American

Meanwhile, what was the state of pubFeeling Against lic opinion in this English-speaking England. republic of ours? Governor Budd, of California, the most influential Democratic leader of the far West and one of the most promising members of his party, came out with a ringing proclamation against England, which unquestionably gained the approval of the entire Pacific seaboard. Other governors made spirited protests in similar terms. Such state legislatures as were in session took action by means of resolutions of the most emphatic character. The feeling against England was strong through all the Northern states, and leading Republican politicians were very outspoken in their condemnation of British insolence. But the Democrats were not less emphatic; and through the South especially the feeling was very bitter indeed. The Monroe doctrine has never been so much discussed since its first promulgation seventy years ago as within the past month or six weeks. Our govern ment at Washington did not feel inclined to interfere, although it is well known that the administration greatly desired that England should deal patiently and courteously with Nicaragua, and above all that she should not go so far as to seize a Nicaraguan port and hoist the British flag. In our judgment, England has gained nothing by thus asserting herself against tiny Nicaragua, and she has lost a very great deal in her alienation of the good will of many Americans who have been greatly stirred up by the feeling that this imperial power has played the part of a bully against a minute and defenseless people living in our American hemisphere and almost under the shadow of the American flag. The sentiment against England is the stronger in the United States, because this peremptory dealing with Nicaragua has followed England's flat refusal to submit the Venezuela boundary question to arbitration, although the United States has officially requested England to consent. There are some of us Americans who understand how trivial these questions about Nicaragua and Venezuela ap

pear to the British people as a whole. They are far more deeply interested in their quarrel with France over Egypt and in their relations with Russia, touching questions of territorial advance and influence in Asia, than they are in their little squabbles with Latin-American republics. Great Britain of necessity has on her hands at all times a large number of foreign questions of grave magnitude. We in the United States have no foreign questions of pressingly serious importance. We are at peace with all the world, and there is not upon our horizon so much as the smallest speck of a war cloud. We are, however, as a nation, exceedingly touchy and jealous at certain points. It is therefore unfortunate for the growth of a perfect understanding between Great Britain and the United States that the English do not attach sufficient importance to the strength of American sentiment. When the United States asks Great Britain to do so reasonable and just a thing as to arbitrate the boundary line between British Guiana and Venezuela, it ought to be the policy of the British foreign office to reply promptly that in matters of this kind affecting the western hemisphere it would gladly accept the suggestion of the United States and readily conform with western hemisphere methods. Boundary disputes are being quite universally adjusted in North and South America by arbitration. England should agree, in so far as she has American interests, to abide by the results of arbitration.

As for the Nicaraguan affair, it ought to The True Policy for have been British policy to concur in the Britain. policy of the United States. Each house of Congress in the last session passed a bill which provides for the construction of the Nicaragua ship canal under the direct control and authority of the United States government. These bills were not exactly alike, and Congress adjourned without putting a law on the statute books; but it was agreed to send an official engineering expedition to make a final report so that next winter Congress would be prepared to reach final action. The United States government having practically decided to build the Nicaragua ship canal, the republic of Nicaragua of necessity comes into very close relations with the United States. It is true that we have not thought it wise to declare a formal protectorate over Nicaragua ; but it would have been gracious and courteous if John Bull had recognized the relationship that circumstances have virtually created, and had frankly avowed the policy of doing nothing in Nicaragua which would not be most eminently agreeable to the government and people of the United States. The fact is that the British Government has not for a moment intended any discourtesy to the people of the United States, and has considered that the orderly diplomatic intercourse of nations really made it necessary that Nicaragua should be taught a lesson. The people of England cannot apparently imagine why we in the United States should not be pleased rather than angry when a sober and responsible char

acter like John Buli proceeds to discipline such an irresponsible personage as the Latin-American of the Isthmus region. Certainly it is deplorable that the mutual respect and good will which ought always to exist between the United States and England should be disturbed on account of such a pitiable affair as this recent military invasion of a virtual dependency of ours, for the collection of a fine of 15,500 pounds sterling. But until England understands American public opinion better, and learns to co-operate more tactfully and courteously in the policy which our government deems wise and right in this western hemisphere, there must always be more or less of controversy and misunderstanding between John Bull and Brother Jonathan.

There is much to learn on both sides. Need of an Anglo-American If our own citizens could better underUnderstanding. stand and appreciate the superiority of ordinary British administration, they would find so much to admire that it would be less natural for them to carp against England. The excellence of British colonial government makes it advantageous, as a rule, for outlying islands and fragments of the continents to be annexed to the British empire. When one speaks soberly and truthfully, and with the knowledge which justifies the making of comparisons, he must admit that England and the British empire belong to the forces which are doing most for the best progress of the world. He may object sharply to many things in detail; but British civilization and British policy as a whole he can but hold in just respect and great admiration. It is therefore the more important that good will, good understanding and a growing habit of co-operation should be maintained between the two great Englishspeaking nations; and it seems to us that such relations are at least quite as desirable for England as they are for the United States. This being the case, England might easily afford to give up a policy in the western hemisphere which calls forth such pronunciamentos as Governor Budd's of last month, and which tends so seriously to impair the friendliness of the masses of plain people throughout the United States. It seems to us that in matters affecting Hawaii and the Bering seals, as well as in dealings with Central and South American republics, England might well and safely harmonize her policy with ours.

was declared independent,-that is to say, independent of China and dependent on Japan, although her dependence was insured by the force of facts, not by the letter of the treaty. The island of Formosa and the Pescadores Islands were made over to Japan, which also exacted an indemnity of about $175,000,000. The exact terms of the provisions which secure to Japan, and therefore, under the most favored nation clause, to all other nations having treaties with China,-the right of importing machinery, of navigating the great rivers, and of carrying on industrial operations within the Chinese Empire, are not yet fully made known. It is understood, however, that the Chinese wall of

exclusion has broken down once for all, and that, to use a cant phrase which is in vogue in the newspapers, China is to be Japanned. Pending the payment of the indemnity and the execution of the clauses of the treaty,Japan was to continue in occupation of Weihai-wei. So far the treaty would have passed without much protest; and, if it had stopped there, Japan I would indeed have had reason to be astonished at her own moderation, and Europe to feel that she, equally with Japan, was sharing in the benefits secured by the campaign.

Russia's Protest.

Japan, however, did not stop there, but introduced a clause by virtue of which the Liao-tung peninsula, from Port Arthur, which commands its apex, northward as far as the fortieth parallel of latitude, should be ceded to Japan. This arrangement was meant to establish Japan in permanence at Port Arthur, and to enable her to use the whole of the Chinese littoral between Corea and the extreme point of the Liao-tung peninsula as the base of operations, should she at any future time quarrel with China. This, however, is not the real cause of the difficulty; for China has been beaten, and China will have to put up with what she can get. So far as China is concerned, no one would have put out a finger to save Port Arthur. China, however, is not the only power concerned. Russians, who in winter time are frozen up in Vladivostok, have always calculated upon securing the reversion of some portion of Corea, or else of Chinese territory between Corea and Port Arthur. Now, by the new treaty they saw Corea practically a Japanese dependency, and the whole of the coast line between Corea and Port Arthur part and parcel of the Japanese Empire. The cherished object of Russian policy, that of free communication to the sea in a latitude where ice does not render navigation impossible half the year, was interfered with, and

Russian protested accordingly. Russia's protest was very natural. A man may acquiesce quietly enough in having a door shut in his face, even although he may be quite determined to open that door when opportunity arrives or necessity demands; but no one can under such circumstances relish seeing the closed door locked under his nose and the key placed in the pocket of a strong and capable custodian. Russia therefore protested against the cession of any Chinese territory on the mainland to Japan; and the protest was indorsed by France and Germany, who for once have found themselves in the same boat, each probably for reasons that do not appear on the surface. The Japanese at first declared that they could not surrender the fruits of the campaign; and they even put forward the familiar plea that they could not answer for their people if they were to yield to the demands of Russia. Afterward, however, Japan consented to modify her territorial claims rather than quarrel with Russia, and it was understood that this forbearance would be rewarded by an increase in the amount of the money indemnity.

The Outcome for Japan.

Japan has conducted herself so gallantly that it seems a harsh and unfair thing for three huge European powers like Russia, France and Germany to unite in determined protests against the carrying out of the terms of the peace with China. It looks like bullying. But the questions that are involved have almost as serious a concern for Russia as for the two nations lately engaged in war. After all, Japan as an island power might in the long run be weakened rather than strengthened by the possession of any portion of the Asiatic mainland. Such terms of temporary occupancy as would suffice to make sure the prompt payment of the great money indemnity that China has agreed to give, should be sufficient for Japan's purposes. The acquisition of the large island of Formosa, though it is a long distance from the principal islands of the Japanese group, will doubtless prove a benefit in many ways; while the permanent retention of any part of continental China might only lead to future wars. Russia has long been determined to improve the first good opportunity that should present itself to get possession of a part of Corea in order to obtain a Pacific ocean seaport or two that would be available in the winter; and in yielding to the representations of Russia, Japan is not in fact sacrificing the chief fruits of her victory. The friends of Japan need not fear for her prestige. Her position has been immensely improved by the exhibition she has given the world of the a' ility of her rulers and of the nature and effectiveness of her resources. Her commercial situation will henceforth be incomparably stronger than ever before, and she will not fail to exercise a vast influence in China and Corea. It is not essential for the exercise of such influence that Japan should permanently occupy any of their territory. Nor need Japan feel much uneasiness even if the Russian bear should seize strips of Manchuria and Corea.

New York's Reform Measures.

The New York Legislature adjourned on May 16 with very few admiring friends to praise it for the record it had made. Some of the disappointed reformers were willing to go so far as to denounce it as the worst Legislature New York had been afflicted with for many years. The circumstances do not, perhaps, justify quite so extreme a verdict. The reason why the Legislature receives censure is because it came so far short of doing the work that had been promised for it. Everybody supposed that this was a reform Legislature. It owed its large Republican majority to the popular wave of indignation against Tammany Hall and Tammany's allies. Good government in New York city required the passage by the Legislature of a series of measures. It was expected that these reform bills were to be made laws in the early weeks of the session. But the reformers were doomed to disappointment. Republican politicians at Albany turned out to be as selfish and unscrupulous as their Democratic predecessors had been. The opposition of Mr. Platt and his friends wretchedly mutilated the reform programme. If the Legislature had been deemed adverse from the start, however, the actual results might well be considered as encouraging for the friends of good government. Early in the session the bill was passed which gave Mayor Strong of New York city the unqualified power to remove the heads of the departments. Under this authority a great transformation is already taking place in the current administration of municipal affairs. Toward the end of the session, the Legislature also gave authority to the Mayor to remove the corrupt and ill-qualified police justices who have been so large a factor in the depravity of New York municipal life, and to appoint suitable justices in their place. This is a measure of large importance. It was a great triumph for the Tenement-House Committee, of which Mr. Richard Watson Gilder was chairman, that its recent recommendations have been actually embodied in the law, and that the housing of the masses in the metropolis, under new and wholesome regulations, will gradually be made very much better and safer than ever before. The New York reformers were greatly disappointed because the Legislature, in spite of the revelations of the Lexow committee, failed to pass the bill providing for the reorganization of the New York police force, while it foisted upon the city an unwelcome law providing for a bi-partisian police board—a law which contains various provisions that could not possibly have been actuated by a sincere and intelligent desire to lift the police administration out of the slime of spoils politics. The Legislature enacted an improved ballot law, which, however, is not in all respects what the friends of electoral reform would have preferred.

York police affairs, they may at least be thankful that under the power-of-removal bill Mayor Strong has introduced a wholly new spirit into the department through the appointment of his Board of Police Commissioners. At the head of the Board is Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, who has resigned from his position on the national Civil Service Board at Washington in order to act as a police commissioner in his own city. By his side on the Police Board is Colonel Frederick D. Grant, whose last official position was that of United States Minister to Austria. Mr. Strong had some weeks previously appointed to the Board Mr. Avery D. Andrews, a young lawyer of West Point training, in whose efficiency every one has the highest confidence. The fourth member of the new Board is Mr. Andrew D. Parker. The Legislature failed to pass the needed laws for the sweeping reorganization of the police' department, but doubtless Mr. Roosevelt and his colleagues will find it in their power gradually to eliminate unworthy elements and to improve the morale of the whole force. In the hard fight for pure and efficient government, whether in nation, state or city,-a contest in which the best citizens of the United States are now engaged,-there is no man who has shown finer courage or better staying qualities than Mr. Theodore Roosevelt. He has compelled the party politicians and shrewd spoilsmen to respect his manliness, his character and his ability, while they fear him because they recognize a man who is more than their match.

Mr. Andrews.

With men of high ability and national reputation taking positions as department heads and members of administrative boards, there is much hope for better things in New York city. Nevertheless the struggle for good government is only begun. It will be necessary, in view of the actions of the recent Legislature, that the friends of municipal reform should either nominate their own candidates for the Legislature which is to be elected in November next, or else that they should carefully formulate their legislative demands and see that the candidates of the leading parties are squarely committed on municipal questions.

Civil Service Reform.

The retirement of Mr. Roosevelt from the Civil Service Board at Washington was followed by that of Mr. Lyman, who has served with great fidelity and ability for many years, and whose usefulness to the cause of civil service reform will not be forgotten by the country even though Mr. Lyman has earned the ill-will of many politicians. In the Board as reconstituted, Mr. Procter, of Kentucky, remains chairman, with Mr. John B. Harlow, of St. Louis, and Col. William G. Rice, of Albany, as his new colleagues. Mr. Harlow was postmaster of St. Louis under President Harrison's administration, and has held official positions for a great many years. He is thoroughly familiar with the conditions under which the governmental business is carried on, and is said to be an intense be