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over twenty-one, to become members of the Wholesale, taking from eight to twenty shares. The shares held by those employed, on their leaving the society's service, have to be transferred to other persons in its employ. The worker shareholders have the right to send a delegate to the meetings of the society, and an additional one for every one hundred and fifty of their number who are shareholders. The claims of the worker to a share both in the profits and in the government of the society are thus distinctly recognized."

THE GROWTH OF CO-OPERATIVE PRODUCTION.

So rapidly has the idea grown that the number of societies, allowing profit to labor rose from fifte n in 1883 to one hundred and nine in 1893. During the same period their sales increased from £160,751 to £1,292,550; their capital from £103,436 to £639,884; their net profits from £8,917 to £64,679. There are many other weighty arrays of figures which we have not the space to quote. Mr. Ludlow's conclusion is that this historical résumé tends to show beyond doubt that "the British workman is bent on carrying out some form of co-operation in which he shall be no mere hired servant to capitalist or consumer, and that, in his dogged way, he is stumbling along, through failure after failure, to success.'

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THE "SLUM SISTERS" AT WORK.

N the January Scribner's, Maud Ballington Booth tells about "Salvation Army Work in the Slums." Mrs. Booth was the foremost pioneer in inaugurating the crusade against misery in the slums of New York, a crusade now more than five years old. Much as has been written by such discriminating and thorough investigators as Mr. Jacob Riis, the worst has yet to be told about the slums of New York, if we are to believe Mrs. Booth. She speaks of tenement houses in which some thirty and odd families reside, families consisting not only of parents and children, but of other relations and lodgers. rooms," she says, "it is quite common to find a mother and father, and grown sons and daughters and little children, and only two beds for the family, while the rest will be upon the floor or wherever they can sleep.

NEW WORLD AND OLD WORLD SLUMS.

"In two

"In contrasting the denizens of the Old World slums with those of the New, I should say that the brain capacity, wit and spirit of the people is far in the ascendancy here, while the crime and desperateness for evil may be additionally strong. Again, it should be remembered that in some cities the slums are exceedingly cosmopolitan. This is particularly so in New York City and the city of Chicago. To meet this difficulty we have in our Slum Brigade representatives of all the different nationalities, French, German, Swedish, Norwegian, Danish, Irish, Italian and American, which enables our workers to reach many who could not possibly be reached and dealt wit n in other than their own language."

HOW THE SALVATIONISTS WORK.

The devoted soldiers of the Salvation Army do not confine their visits to the tenement houses with their fearful scenes of squalor, drunkenness and fighting; they set aside certain evenings of the week to go in the midst of the obscenity and profanity of the lowest class of saloons and dives.

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The slum workers were at first regarded with suspicion, as was very natural, but their patience and earnestness have given an 'open sesame " which rarely fails to allow them an opportunity to make the most of their mission.

"Perhaps the duty which absorbs the greatest part of their time is that which we call visitation properviz., the systematic house-to-house and room-to-room visitation of all the worst homes in their neighborhood. During the last six months fifteen thousand seven hundred and eighty-two families were thus visited. A visit does not mean a mere pastoral call, but often means the spending of several hours in practical work. Sometimes it includes a whole night of patient nursing. It brings with it very often hard and difficult work in the way of scrubbing, cleaning, disinfecting. No one has the slightest idea who has not visited the slums of the terrible extent to which they are infested with vermin. For women brought up in very different circumstances and accustomed to absolute cleanliness, the self-sacrifice which this alone entails can be really understood.

IN THE SALOONS.

"The visits paid in saloons and dives are naturally of a different character. There it has to be personal, dealing face to face with the people upon the danger of their wild lives, and the sorrow and misery that is coming to them. Sometimes it has to be very straight and earnest talk to some drunken man. At others gentle, affectionate pleading with some poor outcast girl, down whose painted cheeks the tears of bitter remorse fall, as the word 'hope' is brought home to an almost hopeless heart. In many of the places thus visited, no other Christian workers would be admitted, and were they admitted they would indeed feel strange. Our women work entirely without escort, and this very fact appeals to the spark of gallantry in the hearts of those rough, hardened men, and if any one dared to lay a finger upon the 'Slum Sisters,' or say an insulting word to them, champions would arise on every hand to defend them, and fight their battles for them. Twenty-one thousand eight hundred and eleven visits have been made in saloons and dives during six months, and these visits are often lengthened into prayer meetings, which include singing and speaking, to a more interesting congregation, and certainly a more needy one, than can be found within the walls of many a church. The practical good, the changed lives, the wonderful cases of conversion resulting from this work a thousand fold repays them for the facing of such revolting scenes of debauchery and drunkenness as must be witnessed."

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Napoleon Bonaparte, the several chapters of which have been illustrated by reproductions of the magnificent collection of Napoleon pictures in the collection of the Hon. Gardiner G. Hubbard. Some may have been inclined to doubt the judgment of the indefatigable Mr. Samuel McClure when he selected a young girl, a journalist of modest though earnest experience, as the author of this biography, on which he counted so largely at the most crucial point in the life of his magazine. But Miss Tarbell's chapters have been a surprise even to those who were well aware of her conscientious studies on the European Continent, her trained industry and facility with her pen. As a matter of fact, this history of the transcendent Corsican is at once readable, dignified and satisfactorily accurate. Miss Tarbell's style shows a lucid simplicity, which is generally an achievement of older heads than she, and which is admirably adapted to the historical narrative. From the point of view of a scientific biography, it is sufficient to say that her work bears evidences of being careful and discriminating; as is natural and right in compiling a popular life of Napoleon, she is not harassed by the necessity of bringing forward for discussion particular events which invite an original exhaustive research nd learned citations of authorities pro and con their historical values. She quotes appositely and freely from the writings of such contemporaneous authorities as Madame de Remusat, Madame Junot and the Chancellor Pasquier.

Miss Tarbell keeps close to the man Napoleon, as the centre of the vast system of Empire and the still vaster chaos of struggle which was about him Her accounts of his personal characteristics are,—as is ever the case with this genius, who is so fascinating a psychological study to both his admirers and detractors,—the most immediately interesting parts of the life.

In the January magazine she brings Bonaparte to the period of the First Consulship, and tells of the infinite attention to detail which supplemented his audacious innovations in the reconstruction of French government.

"An important part of his financial policy was the rigid economy which was insisted on in all departments. If a thing was bought, it must be worth what was paid for it. If a man held a position, he must do its duties. Neither purchases nor positions could be made unless reasonable and useful. This was in direct opposition to the old régime, of which waste, idleness and parasites were the chief charateristics. The saving in expenditure was almost incrdible. A trip to Fontainebleau, which cost Louis XVI $400,000, Napoleon would make, in no less state, for $30,000.

"Those who look at Napoleon's achievements, and are either dazzled or horrified by them, generally consider his power superhuman. They call it divine or diabolic, according to the feeling he inspires in them;

but, in reality, the qualities he showed in his career as a statesman and law-giver are very human ones. His stout grasp on subjects; his genius for hard work; his power of seeing everything that should be done, and doing it himself; his aunparalleled audcity explain his civil achievements.

"The comprehension he had of questions of government was really the result of serious thinking. He had reflected from his first days at Brienne; and the active interest he had taken in the Revolution of of 1789 had made him familiar with many social and political questions. His career in Italy, which was almost as much a diplomatic as a military career, had furnished him an experience upon which he had founded many notions. In his dreams of becoming an Oriental law giver he had planned a system of government of which he was to be the centre. Thus, before the 18th Brumaire made him the dictator of France, he had his ideas of centralized government all formed, just as, before he crossed the Great Saint Bernard, he had fought, over and over, the battle of Marengo with black and red headed pins stuck into a great map of Italy spread out on his study floor.

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'His habi tof attending to everything himself explains much of his success. No detail was too small for him, no task too menial. If a thing needed attention, no matter whose business it was, he looked after it. Reading letters once before Madame Junot, she said to him that such work must be tiresome, and advised him to give it to a secretary.

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Later, perhaps,' he said. Now it is impossible; I must answer for all. It is not at the beginning of a return to order that I can afford to ignore a need, a demand.'

"He carried out this policy literally. When he went on a journey, he looked personally after every road, bridge, public building, he passed, and his letters teemed with orders about repairs here, restorations there. He looked after individuals in the same way; ordered a pension to this one, a position to that one, even dictating how the gift should be made known so as to offend the least possible the pride of the recip ient.

"When it comes to foreign policy, he tells his diplo mats how they shall look, whether it shall be grave or gay, whether they shall discuss the opera or the political situation.

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The cost of the soldiers' shoes, the kind of box Josephine takes at the opera, the style of architecture for the Madeleine, the amount of stock left on hand in the silk factories, the wording of the laws, all is his business.

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ness and rarity the reproduction here, which will al low them to be enjoyed by so many thousands of people who could never have seen the originals in Mr. Hubbard's famous collection.

"MA

SOME NAPOLEONIC IDEAS.

An Interview at Elba. ACMILLAN” reprints a pamphlet published in 1823 by Lord Ebrington, who interviewed Napoleon at Elba. The interviews are reported half in English, half in French. There were two conversations, which took place in December, 1814.

We present as follows some of the more noteworthy views and opinions expressed by the great captive Napoleon condemned the terms of peace. Belgium he thought should never have been taken from France unless the allies were prepared to dismember the country altogether. "The loss of Belgium mortified the French character, and," said Napoleon, "I know the French character well. It is not proud like the English. Vanity for France is the principle of everything, and her vanity renders her capable of attempting everything." Speaking of his own reign, he said what France wanted was an aristocracy, but aristocracies are the growth of time. He had made princes and dukes, and given them great possessions, but he could not make them true nobles.

ENGLISH SOLIDITY.

He made a rather curious remark about the English legislature. He said he thought the House of Peers was the great bulwark of the English constitution, and when Lord Ebrington said he thought this was laying rather too much stress upon the usefulness of the peerage, Napoleón replied that in mentioning the peerage he meant to include the whole of Parliament, for the aristocracy of the country were the heads of the commercial, as well as of the landed interest, whether their representation was by descent or by election. It is also curious to note that Napoleon gave it as his opinion that the scandal of the Prince Regent and Mrs. Clarke would have shaken, if it had not overturned, the throne in France, whereas in England the affair had produced no disturbance, “for John Bull is steady and solid, and attached to ancient institutions."

THE BURNING OF MOSCOW.

Napoleon discussed freely his imperial and royal contemporaries. He admitted frankly his amazement at the ending of the Russian campaign. He said that when he reached Moscow he considered that the business was ended. He had been received with open arms by the people on his march, and the town was fully supplied with everything, and he could have maintained his army there comfortably through the winter. Suddenly, in twenty-four hours, the city was fired in fifteen places, and the country laid waste for twelve miles round about. "It was an event," he said, "for which I could not have calculated, for it is without a precedent, I believe, in the history of the world." He criticised his generals freely, and spoke

of Talleyrand as the greatest of rascals, who had often urged him to have the Bourbons assassinated. NAPOLEON'S MOHAMMEDANISM.

He defended the execution of the Duc d'Enghien, and recalled with apparent pleasure his own admission and that of his army to Islam when he was in Egypt. He received from the men of law, after many meetings and grave discourse at Cairo, permission to drink wine on condition of doing a good action after every draught. Questioned as to the alleged poisoning of his sick at Joppa, he said the story was not true. Three or four of the men had taken the plague, and it was necessary to leave them behind. He suggested that it was better to give them a dose of opium than to leave them to the Turks. The doctor refused, and the men were left te their fate. "Perhaps he was right," said Napoleon, "but I asked for them what I should under similar circumstances wish my best friends to do for me." He admitted and defended his massacre of 2,000 Turks at the same place.

ENGLISH POLICY AND ENGLISH STATESMEN. He discussed English affairs and English statesmen with keen interest and considerable knowledge. He praised English consistency, and contrasted it with the readiness with which Frenchmen embrace, first one party and then another, as it suited their convenience. He expressed amazement at the impolicy of the English government in relation to the Catholics. Lord Sidmouth he believed was a bigot; but in spite of him he believed that Parliament would not be long in passing Catholic emancipation. Nearly fifteen years passed before Napoleon's anticipations were fulfilled. He compared Fox to Demosthenes, and Pitt to Cicero, and praised Lord Cornwallis very highly. He wished, he said, that he had some of that beautiful race, the English nobility, in France. Discussing the economic conditions of the two countries, he said he should think ill of the prosperity of England when the interests of the land came to be sacrificed to those of commerce.

CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT.

Napoleon declared a Church establishment to be essential to every state to prevent disorders that might arise from the general indulgence in wild speculative opinions. Most of the people needed some fixed point of faith where they could rest their thoughts. The French, he said, loved to have their curé and their mass, provided always they had not to pay for him. In all the innumerable petitions he had received for parish priests from French villages, he had never found them ready to accept a priest if they had to pay for him. He therefore, whenever he thought it reasonable, gave them their priest free, for he liked to encourage devotion among his people, but not, he said, in the army. He would not suffer priests there, for he did not love a devout soldier. He expressed surprise that Henry VIII had not confiscated the tithes when he reformed the Church.

A PLEA FOR BIGAMY.

The conversation often took a wide field, as for instance when discussing the settlement of San

Domingo, he declared that the best way of civilizing the colonies was to allow every man to have two wives, provided they were of different color. He strongly recommended England to make peace with America. He said, "You had better make peace; you will gain more by trading with them than by burning their towns." He spoke with more enthusiasin concerning the cavalry charges of the King of Naples than on any other subject. The article is full of interesting information.

IN

ANECDOTES OF LINCOLN.

N the January Century there is a paper with many readable Lincoln reminiscences, by Noah Brooks, which he calls "Glimpses of Lincoln in War Time." The writer tells of Lincoln's extraordinary fondness for the theatre, and explains that, instead of showing a frivolous side of the President's nature, it was rather a means of rest from his intensely arduous and constant labors, and probably the only rest that could be obtained from the almost eternal clamor of office seekers. Lincoln was wont to sally forth very frequently on foot to pay quiet and unannounced visits to the play, though, of course, his extraordinary

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mind that Lincoln had suddenly taken leave of his wits. But when the lines had been finished the President said: There! that poem was quoted by your grandfather Holmes in a speech which he made in the United States Senate in -' and he named the date and specified the occasion. As John Holmes's term in the Senate ended in 1833, and Lincoln probably was impressed by reading a copy of the speech rather than by hearing it, this feat of memory appears most remarkable. If he had been by any casualty deprived of his sight, his own memory could have supplied him with an ample library."

One of the most fantastic situations in which Mr. Lincoln ever found himself was when a dashing society woman of Washington, on the occasion of the President's visit to the Army of the Potomac, suddenly flew at him and imprinted a bouncing kiss on his picturesque but not very kissable face. The President took the embarrassment of it in good part, and did not envy the lady the box of gloves which she won by her audacity.

physique would not allow him to indulge in these TH

pleasures incognito.

Perhaps the most remarkable of the anecdotes related here are those which concerned the President's really phenomenal memory. Mr. Brooks says: "A notable meeting was held in the hall of the House of Representative in January, 1865, when the United States Christian Commission held its anniversary exercises. Secretary Seward presided and made a delightful address. As an example of Mr. Lincoln's wonderful power of memory, I noticed that a few days after that meeting in the capitol he recalled an entire sentence of Mr. Seward's speech, and, so far as I could remember, without missing a word. This faculty was apparently exercised without the slightest effort on his part. He couldn't help remembering,' he was accustomed to say. One would suppose that in the midst of the worries and cares of office his mind would become less retentive of matters not immediately related to the duties of the hour. But this was not the fact. Although the memories of long past events, and words long since read or heard, appeared to be impossible of obliteration, more recently acquired impressions remained just as fixed as the older ones. One of my cousins, John Holmes Goodenow, of Alfred, Maine, was appointed minister to Turkey early in the Lincoln administration, and was taken to the White House, before his departure for his post, to be presented to the President. When Lincoln learned that his visitor was a grandson of John Holmes, one of the first senators from Maine, and a man of note in his day and generation, he immediately began the recitation of a poetical quotation which must have been more than a hundred lines in length. Mr. Holmes, never having met the President, was naturally astonished at this outburst; and as the President went on and on with this long recitation, the suspicion crossed his

THE TRIUMPH OF JAPAN.

HAT observant traveler and scholarly Orientalist, Sir Edwin Arnold, contributes to the January Chautauquan an interesting study of the causes which have determined Japan's victory in her present contest with China. Sir Edwin pays a glowing tribute to the patriotism of the Japanese.

"In a word, the picture passing before our eyes of unbroken success on one side and helpless feebleness and failure on the other-which was numerically the stronger—is a lesson for the West as well as the beginning of a new era in the East. It teaches, trumpettongued, how nations depend upon the inner national life, as the individual does upon his personal vitality. The system under which China has stagnated was secretly fatal to patriotism, loyalty, faith, manhood, public spirit and private self-respect. In Japan, on the contrary, those virtues, rooted anciently in her soil, have never ceased to blossom and produce the fruit that comes from a real, serious and sensible national unity. In the Chinese journals we read miserable accounts of corruption, defalcation, duties shirked and discipline replaced by terrible cruelty. Take up any Japanese newspaper of the present time and you will find reports of private subscriptions and donations sent in shiploads to the army and navy ; the Japanese men eager to share in the maintenance of their flag; the Japanese women volunteering for service in the field hospitals or toiling at home to prepare comforts for their brave countrymen. One town in Ehime prefecture unanimously adjured the use of tea that it might raise funds to send gifts to the regiments in Corea. Another in Fukushima resolved to set aside the drinking of saki till the triumph of Japan was complete, the money saved being forwarded to the army. The villagers of Shizuoka went en masse to the top of Fuji San to pray for the success of the armies of Japan. In fact the whole land from the emperor to the lowest ninsoku, or leg-man,' has been consolidated by one great heart

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THE QUEEN HAS LOST HER GRASP ON ENGLISH." "This it is which makes it out of the question to have any fixed standard of English in the narrow sense not uncommon in other languages. It is quite possible to have Tuscan Italian or Castilian Spanish or Parisian French as the standard of correctness, but no one ever heard of London English' used in that sense. The reason is simple. These nations have ceased to spread and colonize. They are practically stationary. But English is the language of a conquering, colonizing race, which in the last three centuries has subdued and possessed ancient civilizations and virgin continents alike, and whose speech is now heard in the remotest corners of the earth."

Mr. Lodge takes the point of view that the English language is a marvelously strong and rich one, which must constantly grow, especially under the conditions which have brought it into all parts of the world. New words must be invented, which may be both valuable and necessary, or the old words must be changed with altered conditions.

"It is this last fact which makes it so futile to try to read out of the language and its literature words and phrases merely because they are not used in the island whence people and speech started on their career of conquest. It does not in the least follow, because a word is not used to-day in England, that it is either new or bad. It may be both, as is the case with many words which have never traveled outside the mother country, and with many others which have never been heard in the parent land. On the other hand, it may equally well be neither. The mere fact that a word exists in one place and not in another, of itself proves nothing.”

In Mr. Bartlett's dictionary of Americanisms, the use of the word "well" as an interjection is called one of the most marked peculiarities of American speech. We can share Mr. Lodge's delight in the thought that in "Hamlet," Bernardo answers Francisco, "Well, good night." And this interjectional use of the word is so common in Shakespeare that the concordance omits it on account of its constant repetition.

The English, as we all know, prefer most decidedly the word "ill" to the word "sick," which has a more specific meaning with them, and yet Shakespeare makes Helena say, "Sickness is catching." And in "Cymbeline" there is the phrase, "One that is sick o' the gout."

Such cases as these, and more that Mr. Lodge cites, are irrefutable. They will perhaps justify his further claim for the phrase "In the soup," which the most ardent Jingo would at first sight admit the American origin of. ‘It is singularly like,” says Mr. Lodge, "the language of Pompey in 'Measure for Measure,' when he says, "Troth, sir, she hath eaten up all her beef, and she is herself in the tub."

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It will be almost as surprising to hear that "flapjack" as a phrase for griddle cake is undeniably Shakespearian, occuring at least once in "Pericles." Mr. Lodge concludes:

"These few examples from Shakespeare are quite sufficient to show that because a word is used by one branch of the English-speaking people and not by another, it does not therefore follow that the word in question is not both good and ancient. They prove also that words which some persons frown upon and condemn, merely because their own parish does not use them, may have served well the greatest men who ever wrote or spoke the language, and that they have a place and a title which the criticisms upon them can never hope to claim."

CESSATION FROM TARIFF DISCUSSION.

IN concluding a review of our recent tariff legisla

tion in the Political Science Quarterly, Prof. F. W. Taussig, of Harvard, files a protest against continued agitation of the subject.

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Apart from the right or wrong, the expediency or inexpediency of protective duties, it is certainly to be wished that this particular question should occupy a less prominent place in the minds and in the votes of the American people than it has occupied heretofore. The extent to which the prosperity of the community depends on high import duties has been ludicrously exaggerated by their friends; and the benefits which will accrue from lower duties have been almost as much exaggerated on the other side. A satisfactory solution of the currency difficulties is of more real importance than the modification of the tariff system one way or the other. Even more important is the solution of those great social questions which move more and more into prominence, and which must inevitably command more attention than they have received from legislation and from political parties in the past. The problem of public ownership or public supervision of the means of transportation; the mode in which the great monopoly industries shall be dealt with; the question as to labor, the hours of work, the legal rights and actual doings of labor organizations; the redistribution of taxation by inheritance taxes, by income taxes, by taxes on the unearned increment,-all demand more thoughtful attention than they have received. It may be that the Populist movement, with all its absurdities and extravagances, marks the beginning of a juster attention to such pressing problems. At all events, it is certain that these must eventually push aside issues of comparatively minor importance like the tariff."

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