he was convinced, would not succeed. Ireland would spurn at any offer to which such a condition was to be annexed;-she would now plainly see, that this alarming condition, now indeed declared to be the essence and vital principle of the whole settlement, though introduced as an after-thought, as it were, and as a consequence of the tenor of the requisitions made by Ireland, was no doubt the first original object, and contained the seed and source of the whole business. He was the more confirmed in this opinion, from recollecting many passages in the right honorable mover's speeches since he first opened this matter; although it was not then thought prudent, even to hint that such a stipulation should be part of the treaty; he constantly made it a topic of accusation against his right honorable friend (Mr. Fox) that he had

permitted Ireland to assert the freedom of her constitution unconditionally, and without reserving to Great Britain a necessary control over her trade and navigation.

Here Mr. Sheridan went into a full defence of the conduct of his right honorable friend on that occasion; he reminded the house of the circumstances of the times; the situation in which Ireland then stood; and maintained, that the declaratory statute which Ireland demanded to be repealed, was more disgraceful to the journals of that House, and more a libel on the principles of this country, than injurious to the people whom it insulted. But was there a man in that house who would stand up and say, that conditions ought to have been made with Ireland annexed to this concession, if a concession it might be called? Was there a man who stated this to be his opinion at the time? If the right honorable gentleman, who so frequently repeats this charge, has to plead in his excuse, that he was not then possessed of all that political foresight, and consummate sagacity, which three years experience had given him; how came it that this new ally, the

right honorable gentleman by his side (Mr. Jenkinson) whose prudence and abilities were certainly not immature at that time, so far deserted his duty as never to protest, whilst the measure was in its progress, against the indiscretion and rashness of a minister, whom he had no reason to favor; nor once to warn him, that he was inconsiderately placing the two countries in a situation in which it was impossible for them to stand; and inducing parliament to relinquish a right, which it would be indispensably necessary, on the first opportunity, to resume. Fortunately for the peace and future union of the two kingdoms, no such miserable and narrow policy entered into the mind of his right honorable friend; he disdained the injustice of bargaining with Ireland on such a subject; nor would Ireland have listened to him if he had attempted it. She had not applied to purchase a constitution; and if a tribute or contribution had been demanded in return for what was then granted, those patriotic spirits who were at that time leading the oppressed people of that insulted country to the attainment of their just rights, would have pointed to other modes of acquring them ;-would have called to them in the words of Camillus, arma aptare atque ferro non auro patriam et libertatem recuperare.

But if he had been surprised at this sort of language coming from those gentlemen, he had been much more astonished at another right honorable gentleman's declaration, (Mr. Grenville) that when he had been in an official situation in Ireland, he had wished for, and meditated a settlement between the two countries, upon the principle of the present proposed system. Had the right honorable gentleman forgotten the second legislative act passed by this parliament, in acknowledgment of the constitutional rights of Ireland? Had he forgotten that that act was a measure of his administration? And did he remember the solemn pledge, there given, to remove for ever all doubt, that any power, but the

king, lords, and commons, of Ireland, should dictate, in a legislative capacity, to that country? The right honorable gentleman had stated, that this act had become absolutely necessary; for that Ireland, almost to a man, had conceived that the simple repeal of the 6th of George I. had not restored to them the security of their constitution, which yet remained to be acquired. If this was the case, and a bargain were necessary, then was the time for the right honorable gentleman to have proposed his conditions; and not to have permitted those for whom he obtained this new acknowledgment, to have conceived him to have been the champion for a more solemn and explicit renunciation of the legislative claims of Great Britain over Ireland, if he had in his mind a reserve, that a settlement was even then necessary, which should re-assert those claims, and degrade Ireland to her former state of servile dependence.

With regard to the state of Ireland, it was ridiculous to argue, that any circumstances had since occurred to justify or call for the present arrangement. It had been attempted to be proved in the report of the committee of privy council, that Ireland had began to shew a hostile disposition towards. Great Britain; and that she had passed two or three acts, imposing duties on some articles of British export. It was idle to reason from such trivial circumstances. One or two of these acts, it was known, had passed the Irish Parliament rather by stealth, and through inadvertency. No material principle, upon which the two countries were to remain connected, had been violated; and when we consider the perpetual shifting of the government and system in Ireland, that every three months wafted over a new Lord Lieutenant, the only wonder was, that those principles had been so steadily adhered to. The clamor and riots of Dublin had also been resorted to as pretences for this arrangement; this. sort of argument had been sufficiently reprobated by

a right honorable friend of his (Mr. Burke) on a former day; but if clamor was to be attended to, let the meaning of it, where there was any, be preferred to the noise. Had the Irish clamored for the present settlement, or for any one article contained in it? Had they been loud in demanding access to the British market, in preference to protecting duties? Had they requested to be tied for ever to the British monopoly in the West Indies, and to have the price of the commodities of those colonies increased upon them? Had they complained, that fortune had offered the trade of the United States of America to them without condition or restraint? Had they vehemently expressed their apprehensions, that the rich commerce of the east would speedily be open to them, if effectual measures were not taken to prevent it? Had they regretted that they were burdened with a surplus of the hereditary revenue? Had they called out, that they were tired of their legislative independence, and entreated to be relieved from it?-But the fallacy of stating such flimsy ground as the supposed cry of the populace, as the real origin, and spur of this important arrangement, was too obvious to be commented on. The true spring and incentive to this artful and complicated business evidently lurked in this fourth pernicious resolution; the tendency of which was of a piece with their whole system of government in Ireland; with the arbitrary and illegal proceedings of their agents in the business of attachments; and with their attacks on the liberty of the press; measures arguing a mind hostile to the true principles of constitutional freedom, and justifying us in presuming that similar steps would be pursued in this country, if they could be practised with equal impunity.

Mr. Sheridan now adverted to what the noble lord in the blue riband (North) had said, was his conception of the spirit of the proposition then in debate. The noble lord had very fairly

stated, that it was unquestionably a proposal on the part of the British parliament, that Ireland should, upon certain conditions, surrender her now-acknowledged right of external legislation, and return, as to that point, to the situation from which she had emancipated herself in 1782. The noble lord had also added, that though he might not approve of the manner and circumstances under which this offer was made, yet he sincerely hoped, that Ireland would forget both, and perceive her interest in acceding to the proposal. The noble lord was right in saying, that Ireland must forget, before she could consent; but she had more to forget than the insidious and unfair manner in which this proposal came to her; she must forget, that Great Britain ever had the power now required to be conceded to her; she must forget the use Great Britain made of it whilst she possessed it. And by what arguments is Ireland to be induced to relinquish this right? Can it be stated to her, that she has ever once exercised it to the injury of this country? No; but we are told, that it is possible she may do so; and is it not equally possible that Great Britain may abuse the trust, and employ this power to the oppression of Ireland? It is argued, that the malice of party, the interested views of mercantile speculation, or the folly of narrow politicians, may, at some time or other, lead Ireland, even at the expense of her own interest, to measures which might embarrass the trade and navigation of the empire. And has Ireland nothing to apprehend from party, from mercantile avarice, or from blind and narrow policy? If it is urged that England is grown too liberal and enlightened to justify any such apprehension on the part of Ireland, the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself contradicts this reasoning, by asserting that the two hundred thousand manufacturers, whose petitions are on the table, are all influenced either by the suggestions of faction, or blinded by prejudice and selfishness; in truth, there