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he thought the criminality of Mr. Hastings had been fully proved The resumption of the Jaghires was a measure, which in his opinion, might, in certain situations, have been justified; but the situation of the East-India Company, as guarantee of the treaty, laid them under the strongest obligation, perhaps, to have positively, and at all events resisted, but at least not to have prompted it. The seizure of the treasures being neither supported by any formal proceedings of justice nor by any state necessity, it was, he said, impossible not to condemn it; and it was greatly aggravated by making the Nabob the instrument; the son the instrument of robbing the mother. The crime of Mr. Hastings, he thought still further aggravated by his stifling the orders of the court of directors, which expressly commanded a revision of the proceedings against those princesses. With respect to many other collateral circumstances urged in aggravation of the charge, he thought them either not criminal or not brought home to Mr. Hastings.

Mr. SHERIDAN having said that he entertained too grateful a sense of the liberal indulgence with which the house was pleased to honor him on the preceding day, to think of trespassing at present, for any length of time, upon their patience, added, that several gentlemen had done him much greater honor than he deserved; but he could not but feel and acknowledge it to be a compliment, when the right honorable gentleman was pleased so far to flatter him, as to say, that the arguments he had taken the liberty of troubling the house with, when he made the motion, had in any degree contributed to fix his vote in its support. Of such a compliment he was indeed proud, because conscious as he was that he stood up in a good cause, the advocate for millions, and the advocate for strict justice, to find he was likely to prove successful, could not but afford him the most solid satisfaction. He was the more happy also, as the right honorable gentleman, by his conduct, had proved, (what he should always be happy to bear witness to) that however the right honorable gentleman, and those with whom he acted, had differences, and sometimes warm altercations, on various political occasions; yet, when a great national question that called for the aggregate support of parliament fell under consideration, their political and party differences sunk into petty jars,

and the right honorable gentleman, laying aside all party considerations, was ready, in an open and manly way, to come forward, and prove himself a minister, who felt for the honor and character of that house, and for the honor and character of the country. With regard to the objection the right honorable gentleman had taken, at his having, as the right honorable gentleman thought, expressed himself rather too warmly respecting the individual principally concerned in their present proceedings, he was extremely sorry if that had been the case. He neither felt nor professed to feel any malignity against Mr. Hastings. Those who knew him most intimately, he believed, indeed, he might without vanity, say, knew that he had no malignity in his composition, and that he was not capable of feeling such an unworthy passion against any man. An honorable gentleman, (Major Scott) who had spoken early in the debate, amidst a variety of extraneous matter, had thought proper to allude to a conversation once more, which had previously occurred in that house, at which he was a little surprised, as the committee would, without doubt, recollect that the honorable gentleman had been under the necessity of acknowledging that he had been mistaken in some of his most essential particulars. If the reason of the honorable gentleman's allusion of that day had been owing to a part of his speech the preceding day, when he had talked of Mr. Hastings's dependents, he assured the honorable gentleman, upon his honor, he did not mean him. When he stood up in his place the public accuser of Mr. Hastings, he should be ashamed, indeed, if he could be thought capable of alluding to any gentleman who had a right to a seat in that house, and call himself the friend of Mr. Hastings. The honorable gentleman had that day said he was under obligations to Mr. Hastings; that being the case, his motives for attachment to Mr. Hastings were truly honorable. Gratitude was a virtue, amiable even in error.

There was something in the frame of the mind of man which accorded with grateful feelings; and where the heart owed an obligation, the judgment could not be acute. Far be it from him then to find fault with any honorable gentleman who acted upon so noble, so praise-worthy a principle. Mr. Sheridan now added, that, after the vote of that day, Mr. Hastings and the house would be at issue. The business must then be removed to the proper tribunal; and he begged in the interim that gentlemen would recollect (for they seemed a little to forget) that their votes upon the distinct charges did not go to make Mr. Hastings a criminal, and they were not acting as judges, but as prosecutors. The judgment-seat was placed elsewhere; and if Mr. Hastings should be acquitted, unworthy, indeed, should he hold that man who either within or beyond the walls of parliament considered Mr. Hastings otherwise than innocent.

The question being at length called for, and the house dividing, there appeared for the motion 175; against it 68.



Before the house resolved itself into a committee upon the treaty of commerce and navigation with France, a petition was presented by Mr. Alderman Newnham from certain manufacturers assembled in their chamber of commerce, praying, that the house would not that day come to any decisive resolution upon the commercial treaty with France; as the petitioners had not had leisure to understand the treaty, and consequently, were not yet aware to what degree their interests, and the interests of other manufacturers were likely to be affected by it.---The petition was opposed by Mr. Pitt.

Mr. SHERIDAN observed, that a material difference must arise, could it, on the present occasion, be taken for granted that the manufacturers would have time for enquiry—and that this night's discus

sion was not to be concluded with resolutions committing the house in any degree to the acceptation of the treaty; and for his own part he objected to the error which had gone abroad, that the house was to be involved by this night's vote. He contended, on the contrary, that the house would not be committed to the acceptation of the treaty until they had passed the last vote on the last bill, which was necessary to the carrying into execution the treaty. He begged at the same time to call the attion of the house to one material point, in which he believed this important subject had not yet been considered. The Irish propositions had been mentioned. If this treaty should pass, would it not become absolutely necessary that those propositions, reprobated and rejected as they were, must be revived, or at least that a system of intercourse of some kind, must be established between this and the sister kingdom; for it was totally impossible that the present system should continue if the treaty with France took place? He wished therefore to learn explicitly from the right honorable gentleman, whether, in case the treaty of France was carried into effect, it was his intention to revive the Irish propositions? There was one other matter which he must mention. The right honorable gentleman contended that the treaty had been between four and five months before the public. He denied this fact. It had been but fourteen days-for until the convention appeared, the treaty could not be said to be before them; in so far as that convention so materially affected several of the most leading features of the treaty, and that the whole could only be construed by a comparison of them both.

To the manufacturers it was unbecomingly insinuated, that some parts of the treaty to which they objected, should be amended in the convention. This lulled them into silence; and now that the convention was come, not any correction of the errors complained of could be found in it. The house was

doubtless in the recollection of a garbled meeting of manufacturers, artfully convened on the 9th of December, and consisting only of three persons, whose partial resolutions had been industriously circulated throughout the kingdom. This meeting had but five letters sent to them, and three of the five disapproved of the treaty.

No immediate answer being given, the speaker put the question for leaving the chair, which was carried.



Previous to the motion being made for the speaker leaving the chair, Captain Minchin reminded the house, that some papers were requisite for the information of members on the subject of the commercial treaty. Those he wished to have before he was called upon to give his vote; for, without the information which they contained, he was incompetent to decide upon the question. For this reason, he hoped the house would not think of resolving itself into a committee, until they had these papers laid before them.-Mr. Pitt observed, if the papers were wanting, they would be moved for as well in the committee as at the present moment.

Mr. SHERIDAN remarked, that though the committee should proceed without the papers, he did not perceive that any inconvenience could arise, but what might, in other stages of the passing of this act, be remedied. Whatever vote they then gave, it could not prove so decisive as not to admit of being retracted or corrected before the close of the whole business. The bill, after its commitment, must be reported; amendments might be then proposed;' this might cause a re-commitment, and again a report it must be then read a third time, and afterwards passed. In all these stages, gentlemen would certainly have an opportunity of proposing any objections which might occur, or alterations which they might wish to adopt, from any additional intelligence they might receive from papers they had to expect. With this conviction he did not entertain

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