sleep is deepest and when the drowsiness of the watch is most pronounced-but there was delay from a defective fuse, and not until two brave men of this same Pennsylvania regiment, Lieutenant Doughty and Sergeant Rees, took their lives in their hands, and coolly entering the mine, repaired the half-consumed fuse so as to fire the train at the next effort, which was at five o'clock on the morning of Saturday, July 30, 1864.

A deep, dull, rumbling sound, like a half-suppressed earthquake, with a heavy cloud of dust rising from the spot of explosion, in which was mingled timbers, muskets, and men, gave sudden notice to the Confederates near this fatal spot that a peril of no ordinary moment was upon them. For some moments the hush of consternation was upon the Southern troops near the crater, and the faces of veterans, who had braved death unflinchingly upon a score of battle-fields, blanched with horror in anticipation of a fate against which nothing could shield. The redoubt blown up was occupied by about 150 men of the 18th and 22d South Carolina and a section of Pegram's battery of artillery; and pitiful, indeed, was the situation of those poor fellows who had escaped sudden death only to find themselves half buried amid the boulders of the explosion and powerless to extricate themselves, bruised, scorched, bleeding, and mangled as they were. Swift upon the sound of the explosion came the rush of heavy bodies of Union troops toward the chasm made by it; and they crowded into the irregular ravine, which was about 150 feet long, thirty feet deep, and fifty feet wide; aiso spreading out until nearly half a mile of the Confederate breastworks was held by them. To the credit of the Union soldiers be it said that they lent kindly aid in helping the poor, crushed, and mangled Confederates out of their perilous places, and this while a hot fire was opening upon them from both artillery and infantry. From five to eight A. M. the Federals thus crowded the crater chasm and the abandoned half-mile of earthworks, from which the troops had fled under the terror of the awful upheaval or had been pressed back by the force of numbers, until our supporting traverses and batteries checked their further encroachment.

About eight o'clock a division of negro troops, some 5,000 strong, charged over from Burnside's line and swept beyond the crater front, a distance of several hundred yards, toward Blandford Cemetery, which they appeared bent on taking; but this force became entangled in the

complex works and were so harassed by a furious fire upon them from both flanks and front as to force them back upon the crater line. A second attempt was made to seize the hill in their front and thus gain command of Petersburg by the possession of said (Blandford) hill; but the golden opportunity to do this had passed, for the onset was met by a fierce charge from Mahone's and Bushrod Johnson's forces, and the Federals were driven back to the shelter of the crater, in which they took refuge, or crowded that spot in dense masses, which were thus exposed to a destructive fire of infantry and artillery. The effect of this fire upon the dense masses of troops huddled in the crater ravine was deadly in the extreme, and, to aggravate the distress of the Federals, a July sun was pouring down its fiercest rays from a cloudless sky, while no water was to be had, save what was brought at the peril of life from the Union lines in the rear.

For the first time the Army of Northern Virginia met colored troops in considerable body, and this sight had its effect in intensifying the bravery of the Confederates, while the valor of these negroes was beyond question. There were rumors that these colored troops were plentifully supplied with whiskey to stimulate their courage in the first charge, and that their battle-cry was "Remember Fort Pillow," and that no quarter was asked or given; but such reports are sensational rather than truthful, for bravery without brutality was the characteristic of both sides in this fiercely-contested battle.

It may be said, however, that when the white and colored Union troops were crowded closely together in the chasm made by the explosion, under a severe fire and momentarily expecting to be charged by the Confederate forces, then forming for that purpose, there was chafing and irritation between them, for the whites thought the presence of the negroes under arms would so incense the Southern soldiers as to cause desperation and butchery. This supposition was groundless as to the butchery feature, but the presence of the negro, under arms, did naturally inspire and nerve the Southern soldiers beyond any influence that could have been applied, but beyond this there was no effect.

When the reserve troops were called upon to retake the crater position, which was then held by Federal lines, five deep, with eleven battleflags floating along the front, there was grave fear that it was too late, and it was well-nigh so, for Mahone's brigade met the colored charge,

bayonet to bayonet, and forced the negroes back toward the crater; the order from Mahone being to reserve fire until the edge of the earthwork near the Federals was reached, and then to pour it in with muzzles almost touching, and then to complete the deadly work with the bayonet. This was done to the letter, Captain Girardey leading the charge and Wright's Georgia brigade co-operating on the left. Wright was repulsed in two gallant charges, but the Mahone brigade swept all before it, and by one o'clock the final assault was made, in conjunction with some of Bushrod Johnson's command, which led to the recapture of the whole Federal force and position at the crater, and closed one of the bloodiest battles of the war-a battle in which the Union loss was 5,000 and the Confederate 1,500.

officers in entering the mine and relighting the half-consumed fuse; but this was only one of the many brave deeds of this eventful day. There was Lieutenant Pennell, of Burnside's colored division, killed with the battle-flag in his hand, and the flag taken by a private of the 41st Virginia; Chamberlayne, leaving a sick bed, and fighting the guns, which the cowardly cannoniers abandoned early in the day; also Preston, of the Wise brigade, manning with his artillerytrained infantry similarly deserted guns, and falling dead (apparently) while working the same at short deadly range upon the crater's occupants.

To the ladies of Petersburg the honor of a devotion beyond words is due; they were ministering angels to many a sick and wounded soldier, and in all the long, bloody siege, with its daily death harvest, there was never flinching or faltering in these brave daughters. Their tender care and consideration to the war-worn soldiers led not one, but many of them, to do and dare unto the death in defence of the gallant little city that had its strongest bulwark in its devoted daughters.

A quiet, blessed Sabbath followed the dreadful drama of the crater, and the flag of truce on Monday witnessed the burial of the brave dead on the Union side-and the tragic tale passed

A

FTER leaving the Rappahannock, I was ordered to the United States steamer Princess Royal, fitting out at Philadelphia. She was a captured blockade runner and had been transformed into a man-of-war. She had a very heavy armament. It consisted of six nine-inch guns, two sixtypounder Parrott rifles, and four twenty-pound howitzers. We were ordered to the West Gulf squadron, commanded by Admiral David G. Farragut. We had rather a pleasant passage to New Orleans. Shortly after our arrival there, we were ordered down to the mouth of the Rio Grande, to look after some vessels said to be loading with cotton from Texas. We arrived there and found a large vessel, named the Sir William Peel. Most of us felt sure she was in American waters, but our captain was a very conservative man, and would not act without being sure she was in our waters. So her position was laid down, and Lieutenant (now Lieutenant-Commander, retired) C. E. McKay and myself were landed at Boca del Rio Grande, with orders to go to Matamoras, Mexico, and have the question decided as to the position of the Sir William Peel. The enemy from the Texas shore watched all our movements closely and carefully. We were given a little house to sleep in for the night, by the Alcalde. We were informed by some Mexicans that the last Yankee officers who slept in that house were captured by the Texans, taken across the river, and shot. This was pleasant news to go to sleep on-quite an opiate, indeed. We concluded to stand watch and watch during the night, and to start bright and early next morning for Matamoras. We were disturbed but once during the night. thought a party had come over from Texas, but were driven back by the Mexican sentries. started next morning in a coach drawn by four wild mustangs. A Mexican held each one by the head until the order was given to let go, when they all jumped quickly aside, and the mustangs bounded off on a wild run. We had relays about every eight miles, where the same performance took place. At last we arrived safely in Matamoras, having been followed on the Texas bank the entire distance by the enemy. We found that the Sir William Peel was in our waters, but the night we left she quietly slipped her cable and dropped over into Mexican waters.

We

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Thus we lost a nice sum of prize money, which prompt action would have given us.

After blockading the river for a while, we were ordered to return to New Orleans. Upon reaching that place, we were sent up the Mississippi, with orders to attack any batteries we might find and silence them, and finally take our station off Donaldsonville, at the mouth of Bayou la Fourche, for the protection of a small fort we had there, called Fort Butler. The garrison consisted of 125 sick and convalescent soldiers, and were subject to constant attacks by small parties of the enemy. These attacks were supposed to be only preliminary to a grand attack as soon as the enemy could muster the force. We had a very lively fight just before we reached Donaldsonville. The enemy had embrasures cut in the levee at College Point, and they certainly gave us a very warm reception. Their shot entered one side of us and went out of the other. The vessel's sides were constructed of one-fourth-inch iron, and this was all the protection we had. We fought them for about two hours, when we succeeded in silencing them. On our arrival at Donaldsonville, we were informed that the enemy was massing troops, and the commandant of Fort Butler, Major Bullard, informed our captain that he was daily expecting an attack. I spent most of my time on shore. I had a speedy little black horse, and used to get as near the enemy's pickets as possible, for the purpose of getting information. In this I was greatly assisted by a gallant young officer, Acting Ensign (now Lieutenant-Commander, retired) F. A. Miller. He was then a mere boy, but utterly fearless. He too was mounted.

About this time the enemy sent in a flag of truce and demanded the surrender of the fort and town. This demand was, as a matter of course, refused. We were then given three days in which to remove the women and children from the town. I went ashore without giving anybody information as to what I proposed doing. When ashore I disguised myself as a refugee from New Orleans and a prisoner aboard the gunboat. I watched my chance and ran through our own pickets. They promptly fired on me, and I narrowly escaped being shot. The enemy's pickets received me with open arms. I told my story, and was then asked as to the

number of men, guns, etc., in the fort and on board the gunboat. I was perfectly aware that the enemy knew the exact number as well as I did, so told them the plain truth in the matter. This, naturally, gave them full confidence in me. I remained with them all day and part of the next night. I began to fancy they were losing confidence in me. I had already found out when and how they were to attack us, and thought it a good time to get back, if possible, with a whole skin. I lay down to sleep at "taps," and as soon as everything was quiet I edged away from the place slowly and carefully. I had a presentiment that if I remained till morning, I would be found out. I got safely away and rapidly increased my pace in the direction of Plaquemine. Shortly after daybreak, when, I should judge, about three miles from the river, I saw a small party of the enemy approaching from up the river. I made my way as quickly as possible toward the river. I saw now that discovery was inevitable, or at least I thought so. Suddenly the party struck inland, and I felt safe for the moment, but nevertheless ran like a deer for the river. I suppose I was within about a mile of it when I heard the enemy in pursuit. I reached the levee some good distance in advance of them, and my heart was made glad by the sight of a gunboat. I made frantic signals, threw off my boots and most of my clothing and plunged into the water. I never saw a boat manned and shoved off so quickly. But as quick as they were, the enemy had reached the levee and blazed away at me. The gunboat promptly fired into them and dispersed them. I was quickly taken into the boat and pulled aboard. The gunboat proved to be the Winona, Lieutenant-Commander (now RearAdmiral) Weaver. I was completely exhausted and had to be assisted in getting aboard. The surgeon of the ship, Dr. Arthur Mathewson, gave me a good, stiff dose of brandy which greatly revived me. He took excellent care of me and soon made me as good as new. I told my story, and the Winona took me down to Donaldsonville and set me aboard of the Princess Royal.

Captain Woolsey reprimanded me severely for taking so great a risk and then complimented me highly on my performances. I told them the whole story, how and when the enemy would attack, etc. I was not, it appears, missed from the camp, and the party I met in my escape was composed of guerillas from up the

river; otherwise the plans of attack would probably have been entirely changed.

The next night at twelve o'clock, just as I had predicted, the enemy made the attack, and a fierce one it was. Our guns were loaded with grape and canister, and we played havoc with the enemy. We kept under weigh all the time, and not only kept firing into the attacking party, but also over the fort into the reserves. The Winona came down and joined in the fight. It was fierce and bloody, and lasted a little more than four hours. The fort had a wooden stockade, three inches thick, pierced for musket firing. Our men would put their guns through and fire, and the enemy would fire back through the same holes. A party, headed by a young Texan lieutenant, approached the stockade with axes and endeavored to cut their way through. Our grape and canister riddled them, and the next day we found eighteen bodies in one heap and the stockade partly cut. Others of the enemy waded down into the Mississippi River and seized the broken bricks with which the fort was surrounded, and threw them into the fort. We captured all the men who entered the river. It was the hardest fight up to that time I had ever been engaged in. Our loss was comparatively trifling, while that of the enemy was very great. Our ship was full of prisoners, some of whom recognized me, and their language to me was unparliamentary.

I received great credit for my exploit. Captain Woolsey, in his official report, stated that for the information which led to the overwhelming defeat of the enemy, "I am indebted to who was out for three days on his own horse and on foot, reconnoitering in and about the enemy's camp." I received a letter from the gallant old Rear-Admiral Andrew A. Harwood, in which he said: "I perfectly remember your capture of Captain Charles Lawson, of the 55th Virginia Cavalry, while attached to the Potomac Flotilla, then forming part of my command. Your gallant conduct on that occasion has been eclipsed by your exploit at Donaldsonville. It deserves a place, however, on the list of your gratuitous, patriotic services."

This was the only position we held between Port Hudson and New Orleans, and it was of the greatest importance that we should keep it. I knew we could not hold out against the force about to attack us, unless fighting under some great advantage, and that is the reason I took the risks I did.