I

WAS in the charge on Cemetery Ridge, July 3, 1863, and was taken prisoner at the stone fence on the ridge and behind which the first Federal line waited our attack. I shall limit what I write to what I heard and saw at the time.

Our division pickets reached the vicinity of Gettysburg-near where the prisoners captured in the battle of July 1st were held under guard about or a little before sunset on the 2d. Longstreet's fight on our right was then raging, and we could hear its roar and crash and rattling musketry that told of stern work on both sides. We bivouacked in some woods near us and rested after our long and hot march from Chambersburg. Early next morning we were marched to the right and, I think not later than eight o'clock, reached a point on what I have since learned was Seminary Ridge, where we were halted under cover of the ridge and a piece of woods some two or three hundred yards in rear of the position we took in line of battle just before the assault. Our artillery was just outside of the woods in our front in the edge of open fields. Here we rested, and from some cause, I never knew what, the morning was permitted to wear away without movement on our part. An oc

casional shell passed over us, or a minié ball sang among the tree-tops, but few or none of us were hurt.

While in this position a group of officers, among whom I recognized Generals Lee, Longstreet, Pickett, and others, remained dismounted in our rear for a good while. Staff officers and couriers were coming and going, but no orders were issued to us.

The division-that is all of it that was at Gettysburg-comprised the three brigades of Kemper, Garnett, and Armistead, and had in line that day about 4500 muskets.

About twelve o'clock we were moved up to the edge of the woods and just behind our artillery. In my immediate front we were so close to the guns that I had to "break to the rear my little company to give the men at the limber chest room to handle the ammunition. The caisson, with its horses and drivers, was just in my rear.

The order of battle for the division was: Kemper and Garnett in the front line and Armistead in the rear or second line. Kemper on the right and Garnett on the left. Garnett's five regiments took their usual order from right to left as follows: 8th, 18th, 19th, 28th, and 56th

Virginia regiments. This, you see, threw my regiment (the 56th) on the left of the first line, and my company (K) was second or third from the extreme left of the division. After

THE BLOODY ANGLE, GETTYSBURG.

we got into position we were ordered to lie down and wait for the order to advance after our guns had bombarded the position we were to assault.

The day was intensely hot, and lying in the sun we suffered greatly from the heat.

About one o'clock P. M. our batteries opened, and the Federals promptly replied. For more than an hour the most terrific cannonade any of us had ever experienced was kept up, and it seemed as if neither man nor horse could possibly live under it. Our gunners stood to their pieces and handled them with such splendid courage as to wake the admiration of the infantry crouching on the ground behind them. We could see nothing whatever of the opposing lines, but knew from the fire that they must have a strong position and many guns.

Our loss was considerable under this storm of shot and shell, still there was no demoralization of our men in line. They waited almost impatiently for the order to advance, as almost anything would be a relief from the strain upon them.

When the fire slackened and had almost ceased, I saw General Longstreet, attended by a single officer, whom I took to be his adjutantgeneral, Colonel Sorrell, riding slowly from our right in front of our line and in full view of the enemy's skirmishers. He did not seem to notice

the Federal lines at all, but was coolly and careWe looked for him to be fully inspecting ours. hit every moment. As rifle balls whistled by and a shell now and then ploughed up the ground close to and startled the splendid horse he rode, the general would check him and quietly ride on. Many a voice from the ranks remonstrated with him on his reckless exposure, in terms more emphatic than elegant, told him "to go to the rear," "you'll get your old fool head knocked off," "we'll fight without your leading us," etc. Not a word fell from his lips, and when he had passed our left he rode into the woods behind us. In a few moments General Pickett dashed out from the woods where Longstreet had entered them, and I called his division to "attention!" In a few brief words, which I failed to hear, he told us, as I subsequently learned, what was expected of us, and then ordered us forward. He rode to the right of the division, and I never saw him afterward.

The orders to us were to advance slowly, with arms "at will," no cheering, no firing, no breaking from "common" to "quick," or "changing" step, and "to dress on the centre."

A few steps and we had cleared our guns, and the fatal field was before us. Where I marched through a wheat field that sloped gently toward the Emmittsburg road, the position of the Federals flashed into view. Skirmishers lined the fences along the road, and back of them, along a low stone wall or fence, gleamed the muskets of the first line. In rear of this, artillery, thickly planted, frowned upon us. As we came in sight there seemed to be a restlessness and excitement along the enemy's lines, which encouraged some of us to hope they would not make a stubborn resistance. Their skirmishers began to run in, and the artillery opened upon us all along our front. I soon noticed that shells were also coming from our right and striking just in front or in rear of our moving line-sometimes between the line and the file-closers. I discovered that they came from the high hills to our right, which I have since learned were the Round Tops. This fire soon became strictly enfilading as we changed the point of direction from the centre to the left while on the march, and whenever it struck our ranks was fearfully destructive-one company, a little to my right, numbering thirty-five or forty men, was almost swept, "to a man," from the line by a single shell. We had not advanced far beyond our guns when our gallant Colonel Stuart fell, mor

ally wounded. (He was taken back to Virginia and died in a few days after.)

We had no other field officer present, and the command devolved upon the senior captain.

I

Still on, steadily on, the fire growing more and more furious and deadly, our men advanced. The change of direction threw Kemper's brigade closer to the Federal line (which was oblique to ours) than Garnett. So he was hotly engaged before our left was in musket range. could hear and see a part of his fighting before my attention was absorbed by my own front. As we neared the Emmittsburg road the Federals behind the stone fence on the hill opened a rapid fire upon us with muskets. But as they were stooping behind that fence, I think they overshot us. When my regiment struck the road the board fences were still mostly standing, and there was a momentary check until our men went against and over them. Men were falling all around us, and cannon and muskets were raining death upon us. Still on and up the slope toward that stone fence our men steadily swept, without a sound or a shot, save as the men would clamor to be allowed to return the fire that was being poured into them. When we were about seventy-five or one hundred yards from that stone wall some of the men holding it began to break for the rear, when, without orders, save from captains and lieutenants, our line poured a volley or two into them and then rushed upon the fence, breaking the line and capturing many of the men, who rushed toward us crying: "Don't shoot!" "We surrender!" "Where shall we go?" etc. They were told to go to our rear, but no one went with them, so far as I saw, and I suppose the most of them afterwards made their way back into their own lines. The Federal gunners stood manfully to their guns. I never saw more gallant bearing in any men. They fired their last shots full in our faces and so close that I thought I felt distinctly the flame of the explosion, and not until we had crushed their supports did they abandon their guns. Just as I stepped upon the stone wall I noticed for the first time a line of troops just joining upon our left. Springing to that flank I found they were from Archer's Tennessee brigade and part of Heath's division. This gallant brigade had been terribly cut up in the first day's fight, and there was but a fragment of them left. Some of them with us seized and held the stone wall in our front. For several minutes there were no troops in our immediate front. But to our left the Federal line was

still unbroken. This fact is impressed upon my mind by my taking a musket from one of my men who said he could not discharge it and firing it at that line to my left and obliquely in front, and further by seeing our brave BrigadierGeneral Garnett, who, though almost disabled by a kick from a horse while on the march from Virginia, would lead us in action that day, riding to our left, just in my rear, with his eyes fastened upon the unbroken line behind the stone fence and with the evident intention of making such disposition of his men as would dislodge it. At that instant, suddenly a terrific fire burst upon us from our front, and looking around I saw close to us, just on the crest of the ridge, a fresh line of Federals attempting to drive us from the stone fence, but after exchanging a few rounds with us they fell back behind the crest, leaving us still in possession of the stone wall. Under this fire, as I immediately

SPOT WHERE CUSHING AND ARMISTEAD FELL..

learned, General Garnett had fallen dead. Almost simultaneously with these movements General Armistead, on foot, strode over the stone fence, leading his brigade most gallantly, with his hat on his sword and calling upon his men to charge. A few of us followed him until, just as he put his hand upon one of the abandoned guns, he was shot down. Seeing that most of the men still remained at the stone fence, I returned, and was one of the very few who got back unhurt.

Again there was comparative quiet for a while in our immediate front, but bullets came flying still from the unbroken line to our line. During one of these pauses, I took a rapid but careful

look at the ground over which we had advanced, and was surprised to see comparatively so few men lying dead or wounded on the field. Doubtless many of the wounded had gotten back before I looked. But the fact was that the loss did not seem to be anything like so great as I had supposed it must be. But we were not left long at leisure to survey the field. We were in plain view of the Federal officers, and they saw that we were but few in numbers and well-nigh exhausted by what we had already accomplished. The death of General Garnett and the fall of General Armistead left us on that part of the line without an officer above the grade of captain. While we were lying there and the Federals were completing their disposition of forces to repulse and capture us, some one ran rapidly along our line calling out to the men, General Lee says fall back from here!" Many of the men attempted to obey, but a few of us, not recognizing the order as authentic, held our men in line and encouraged them to look for support. Just then the Federals advanced in heavy force. The bullets seemed to come from front and both flanks, and I saw we could not hold the fence any longer. I again looked back over the field to see the chances for withdrawing. The men who had begun to fall back seemed to be dropping like leaves as they ran, and in a very few moments the number on the ground was four or five times as great, apparently, as when I had looked before. It seemed foolhardy to attempt to get back. The Federal line pressed on until our men fired almost into their faces. Seeing that it was a useless waste of life to struggle longer, I ordered the few men around me to "cease firing" and surrendered. Others to the right and left did the same, and soon the sharp, quick huzza of the Federals told of our defeat and their triumph. As we walked to the rear, I went up to General Armistead, as he was lying close to the wheels of the gun on which he had put his hand, and stooping, looked into his face and thought from his appearance and position that he was then dead. I have since learned that he did not die until some time during the night. As soon as the Federal cheer announced our repulse, our batteries opened a brisk fire upon the hill, on friend and foe alike, to check any advance that might be contemplated. And so, under the fire of our own guns and the guard of our enemies, we passed away from that now historic hill and ridge to a long and dreary imprisonment, from which I was not released until May 14, 1865.

Lest I may do unintentional injustice to some troops who, though not Virginians, were as gallant as they or any others and who nobly did their duty that day, permit me to add a few words of explanation, showing why the line behind the stone fence, to our left, was not broken or dislodged. The formation of the Federal line, where the left of Garnett's brigade struck it, was peculiar. It ran obliquely across the face of Cemetery Ridge from the right. I was posted behind one of the substantial stone fences common in that section. In order, as I supposed, to get position for a battery or two, that fence had been pulled down and thrown forward down the slope of the ridge, some seventy-five or one hundred steps, and rebuilt loosely to about three feet in height. On the left it retained its original position and height-say four and one-half to five feet and afforded fine shelter against infantry. The left of the 50th Regiment and some of Archer's men struck it at the salient. The rest of Archer's men and those on their left when we were in possession of the stone fence, while in line with us, were, as you see, still seventy-five to one hundred yards from the stone fence in their front. Every soldier knows how vast a difference this made in our favor on such ground and in face of such a line. Those brave fellows, led by Pettigrew, Trimble, Lane, and others (as I have since been informed), went as far and suffered as heavily as we did, and many of them were captured on the ridge when we were, with whom I shared the long imprisonment that followed.

As to the effect of the fire from the Federal line upon ours, as we advanced, I can only say that it did not seem to check it in the least. There was no pause in the slow and steady movement, save the momentary one at the Emmittsburg road, caused mainly by the fence that inclosed it. There was a little "huddling" of the men when we were ordered to dress to the left rather than to the centre, as at first commanded. There was, so far as I saw, no skulking or straggling, but a quiet, determined advance. Our loss, I am inclined to think, was greatest in the three combats at the stone fence, where we broke first the line that held it, and second repulsed the attempt to retake the fence, and third resisted the effort that overwhelmed The lines were so close, the fire was unusually fatal. And then the men who attempted to run back to our original line suffered dreadfully.

us.

IT

T may be said, without disparagement to the artillerists of any other Federal command, that the Lawrence County (Pa.) company, known as "Cooper's Battery," performed hard and faithful service, the value of which cannot be easily estimated. It participated in every important engagement of the Army of the Potomac, from Drainsville to the capture of Petersburg. Our first captain was Henry T. Danforth, a soldier who had seen service with Bragg's Battery during the Mexican War, and had later been in the cavalry service on the frontier under General Albert Sidney Johnson. Isaac A. Nesbit was our first lieutenant. Captain Danforth was killed at New Market Cross Roads, on June 30, 1862, and was succeeded by James H. Cooper, who is now a resident of New Castle, Pennsylvania. Captain Cooper had been first sergeant of the battery; he was one of the bravest men in either army, and was acknowledged one of the best battery commanders in the Army of the Potomac by his superior officers, Generals Reynolds and Meade, both of whom, as well as General Ord, had the honor of commanding that grand body of men known as the Pennsylvania Reserves, the pride of the Keystone State.

On the 20th of December, 1861, all original members of our battery who had not reënlisted were honorably discharged, and the company was recruited until it again had its full complement of 152 men to man the six guns. Captain Cooper was mustered out on August 8, 1864, having served two months beyond his term of enlistment. He was commissioned major and had General Meade's endorsement for a colonelcy, but pressing private business compelled him to part company with the men he had so long led, and whose confidence he fully possessed. Lieutenant William C. Miller, a brave and competent officer, succeeded to the command, and was mustered out November 22, 1864, from which date until the close of the war the battery was commanded by Captain William McClelland, who had risen from the ranks by gradual promotion. At the time of which I write, April 2, 1865, the other commissioned officers were: First lieutenants, Thomas C. Rice and James A. Gardner; second lieutenants, J. M. Pennypacker and John Geary.

We first saw the church spires of Petersburg a little before noon, June 17, 1864. For nearly a year thereafter we were seldom out of sight of them, and our work was constant, although confined to a small radius. We had our winterquarters about a mile in the rear of our main line of works, of which Fort Sedgwick was the most advanced. Our battery served its turn at the front, first at Battery 22, then near the Yellow House or Globe Tavern, in which action we took part; then in Forts Hays and Howard, and in Batteries 24 and 26. Later we had two guns in Battery 22 and four in Fort Davis. The numbered batteries, both Union and Confederate, were strong earthworks, generally a part of the main line and located between the larger forts. They were designed for one or more field guns and were open at the rear. Battery 22 was on the right of the Jerusalem plank-road, some 300 yards to the rear of Fort Sedgwick, the Union line having been sharply swung back on account of the formation of the ground. Fort Davis was on the other side of the plank-road, about 100 yards to the left and rear of Battery 22. Fort Sedgwick-better known in those days as "Fort Hell"-was built across the plank-road.

The nearest point of the Confederate works, perhaps 600 yards distant, was a strong earthwork, also built across the road and known as Battery 27; and on the right of this (our left) was Fort Mahone, which was about the most pert and combative earthwork on the Confederate front, this part of which was commanded by General John B. Gordon, the dashing Confederate leader.

Early in 1865, the last grand movement, "by the left flank, march!" was inaugurated. Sheridan had rejoined the army, and the comparative monotony of life in winter-quarters gave place to bustle and excitement. Soon the army was on the march, and in front of Petersburg, where our front had been manned by double lines, with heavy reserves at hand, there remained a force hardly larger than a strong picket guard. The Confederate line was correspondingly weakened, the troops being re-disposed to meet Grant's flank movement. Each of the departing Federal corps was allowed five four-gun batteries; the remaining artillery remained in the works before Petersburg, subject to the orders of