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nobody can see the way to make it "pay.” | verts, drains, soughs, tunnels, arches, piers, Every year the commissioners have to come bridges, banks, fences, ways, roads, towingto the nation's strong-box, because the tolls paths, landing-places, docks, quays, wharfs, do not recoup the working expenses ; the loss, houses, warebouses, toolhouses, buildings, it is true, is not much, but still there is a loss. cranes, weighing-machines, works and appli

In order to expedite the traffic, steam-tugs ances.” The canal fell into trouble in 1859, have been introduced ; but the poor canal and the public purse had to get itoutof trouble does not afford a return for even this modern again. A sad accident befell it. The canal is improvement. Powerful steamers are now fed by three great embanked reservoirs, which establishing a trade on the seaboard, and collect the rains and springs from a large area railways are gradually entering the High- of mountain district. The uppermost of these, lands ; so that the canal is beset by two for- Loch Camlock, covering forty acres, and eight midable opponents not contemplated when it hundred feet above the sea-level, burst its was first planned. And yet, with all this, it boundaries on the 2d of February in that year, will not do actually to abandon the capal, after a long series of heavy rains. Down seeing that any neglect might lead to over- rushed the water, burst in the banks of the flowing that would devastate neighboring second reservoir, rushed on again, and did lands; insomuch that we are somewhat in the the same to the third or lowest. predicament of the Irish soldier who told his tents of all these,” said the resident engineer, officer that he had “ caught a Tartar.” were discharged in common down the nar

The 58th Report of the Commissioners, just row valley or rocky ravine along which the made public (July 1863), tells us that the summit-level of the canal was fed. In the canal had a slight increase of good-fortune in course of their violent descent an immense the year 1862–63; inasmuch as the receipts mass of stone and earth, with some brushexceeded the working expenses by a small wood, was dislodged from the precipitous

About 1836 passages of vessels were slopes on either side, and carried down by the made through, or partially through, the water, so as to occasion their deposit on the canal, giving an average of five per day; these summit-level of the canal. Not only was the vessels paid £7,000 in tolls, which was a few channel of the canal filled right across for a hundred pounds more than the commissioners considerable space in length, but the accumupaid for repairs and wages—leaving the com-lated mass at the principal point rose much missioners' own remuneration and expenses, above'it.”

What was to be done? The comand the interest on the cost, to be borne as missioners spent a small eum in clearing away usual by the nation.

the rubbish so far as to prevent further misThere is another Highland canal, too, the chief ; but John Bull was solicited to come Crinan, that belongs to the nation. This to the rescue for anything further.

66 How canal is very short, but it cuts off an immense much ?” he asked." Eighty thousand pounds distance in sailing or steaming from Glasgow to make a really good job of it,” said Mr. to Oban and Port William : seeing that it James Walker. - Can't afford the money,”: goes across the isthmus that connects the elon- said John ; “ do the best you can with ten or gated peninsula of Cantire or Kintyre with twelve thousand.” And the best has been the mainland. It is only nine miles in length, done. The Crinan Canal has been restored, beginning at Loch Gilp, and ending at Loch and is a useful though not profitable work. Crinan. It is on a very much smaller scale Less valuable to the nation than the Highthan the Caledonian Canal, being twenty-four land roads, it is more so (in relation to its feet wide, and twelve deep, and having fifteen cost) than the Caledonian Canal. locks. The canal has been in existence half The 58th Report of the Commissioners, a century and more. In 1848, it was placed above adverted to, shows that in the year under the same commissioners as the Caledo- 1862-63 the Crinan Canal spent £3,277 in nian, with (to use the big words of the act of earning £3,780—thus just keeping itself out Parliament) " all its harbors, basins, reser- of difficulties. About 2,260 passages were voirs, aqueducts, feeders, water-tanks, fens, made by steamers and sailing vessels through dams, embankments, weirs, locks, sluices, cul- the canal.


From The Spectator, 26 Sept. have repeatedly fought to repress the

propaMR. FORSTER ON THE MEANING OF THE gandist democracy known as the “RevoluAMERICAN WAR.

tion,” and what are all these causes, even in

their direct political bearing, compared with MR. FORSTER's speech at Leeds is one of the that of freedom when openly pitted against ablest, and will be one of the most effective the “ sacred right” of slavery? It is nonyet uttered upon the American war. It is sense to talk of slavery as if it affected only an effort, and a successful one, to justify the slaves. It effects also freemen, and means conviction entertained by enthusiasts by the for them either perpetual political submission arguments which appeal to statesmen who are to a caste, or the perpetual fear of attacks without enthusiasm. No Northerner could directed with subtle skill, and supported with desire to see his cause more loftily described dauntless courage against the foundations of than as “the struggle whether upon the free society. Who in England blames Cavcontinent of America the

principle of slavery aignac for declaring open war on men who or the principle of freedom shall predomi- marched on the Tuileries to overturn existing nate; no statesman will question that this, social order. Yet no dream which French in the most restricted as well as the broadest workmen ever entertained, no theory Proudsense, is a definite practical end. Anti- hon ever elaborated, would be so fatal to slavery feeling may be, as it is the fashion to modern society as its surrender to men who say, a “ vague fanaticism,” though it be one declare its first principle--cynics say its only which for eight hundred years has in one one--utterly false and bad. If Europe has form or another inspired all English effort; a right to intervene for Poland--and it is but “the predominance of freedom over a only the expediency of intervention which is continent” is as definite a cause as that of ever questioned--that right is based on the “ order,” or “constitutional government,” | broader right of resisting acts fatal to civilior “religious liberty," or any one of the zation, and that, and infinitely more, is the hundred * cries " for which Englishmen have justification of the North. Apart altogether spent their lives, far more definite than that from humanity, aside altogether from the in" balance of power” for which we are al- ternal dispute, beyond the right of self-presways fighting, or that " theory of nationali- ervation inherent in every organism, there ties” for which everybody seems always ready stands the grand political question “ whether to fight. And that this is the cause for which, upon the continent of America the principle consciously or unconsciously, Northerners of freedom or the principle of slavery shall fight, their bitterest opponents do not affect predominate.” Has a great war since the to deny. The North may be honest or dis- world began ever had greater issue? Of honest in the matter of abolition, may be course there is one argument to which all willing to admit blacks to citizenship as this is no answer. There are honest but Massachusetts has done, or to reinslave free- narrow men who hold that our supreme prinmen as Ohio could, perhaps, be induced to ciple is obedience to the commands of Christ, do, without affecting this issue one jot. If and that Christ commanded submission to the South wins the game, as it originally in- every evil strong enough to assert its strength tended to win it,-realizes, that is, the dream in arms, and their faith may have its reward. which in its evil magnitude imparts to Mr. But then their principle is the very one which Davis's broad intellect something of the en- those who denounce the North in the same thusiast's depth, slavery will be the predom- breath deny, for they warmly praise the inant power upon the North American conti- South for resisting in arms the chain which, nent. * If the North wins the game, whether as they say, pressed on the Southern States. her stake be empire, or a boundary settled To rid Englishmen of this fallacy, that the by herself, or only a treaty of which she ar- Northern war is causeless, is half to open ranges the terms, slavery will not be so pre- their eyes, and in this work Mr. Forster's dominant. No possible ingenuity of argu- speech will be a most powerfulaid. His view ment can evade that issue, and if that issue once admitted, and it is urged with a logibe not a practical one, what do politics mean, cal brevity laughably at variance with the what is the sense or object of this conflict be- popular view of the member for Bradford's tween the despotic, aristocratic, and demo- enthusiasm,--there will be no further danger cratic principles on which the world, from the of any misdirection of the national strength, day when the Thirty were expelled Athens, or any serious error in the direction of the nahas wasted so much of its vital force? We tional sympathies. The governing class way fought through a civil war rather than submit still acknowledge, as we do, that brain and permanently to the despotic principle ; France vigor and coherent organization are all on the desolated half her provinces, covered her Southern side; may still regret, as we do, the cities with blood, and broke forever with the idolatry of an unworkable constitution ; may past to be rid of the aristocratic one, both still resent, as we do, thercady resort to menace

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against a country whose only fault is to have | ers must be politically masters, or their ingiven no cause of offence. As between the stitution will be upset by the majority, who, North and ourselves, their views may remain not being owners, will, sooner or later, resent unchanged, but as between the North and the competition of unpaid labor. It matters South discussion must come to an end. There nothing whether the Slave States are part of is not a Tory in England, except, perhaps, the free community, or occupy only its borMr. Beresford Hope, who, once convinced der line. The owners must attack freedom that the issue is as Mr. Forster has stated and conquer it, or see their institution slowly it, will not abstain from crippling the side perish. They must demand and secure by through which the “ principle of freedom on conquest a fugitive slave law from their allies, the whole continent of America is to be and so deprive them of the right of asylum, made predominant.'

or see their property deprived of half its value. But, say the advocates of the South, polit- They must prohibit free communication or ical freedom is not involved in the struggle, abolitionists may settle among them, and atfor political freedom can exist even though do- tack the foundation of their society. They mestic slavery continue. Were not the Athe- must prohibit free contact, or the opinions nians free, though Cleon would have disdained they dread will spread among them as fast as to interfere for slaves, or the carly Romans, water filters through sand. They must, in though slavery was aggravated by equality of fact, by the necessity of their position, be race between the slaves and their lords ? A able to enforce their own will on their neighreply could scarcely be shorter or more per- bors in all emergencies, and as the emergenfect than that which Mr. Forster has given. cies increase in gravity from the increasing Slavery in modern times cannot co-exist with number of their people, the increased infusion political freedom : “ If men would learn the of white blood in the slaves, and the increased very alphabet of freedom they would see that spread of a hunger for freedom, they must wherever there is domestic slavery, wherever make this coercion yearly more onerous and the first political right-a right even above searching and permanent. and beyond all politics—the right of man to The free community must, in fact, live the disposal of his own body and the govern- under a permanent danger-a danger infinitement of his own soul, where that is denied by ly greater than we, for instance, should sufthe law, political liberty is not safe. If it be fer were France mistress of the Continent, or possessed by the master class, that class can- America mistress of the seas. Yet who blames not keep it in safety, and the very words 6 po- our statesmen for averting movements which litical liberty' are a farce and a delusion. may, even in the far future, lead to those History proves that it was because the old re- results, at any cost in treasure, or energy, or publicans of Rome allowed themselves to be human lives? We fought the Crimear camcorrupted into domestic slavery that the mas- paign to avert a danger which, was, at least, ter class lost their own liberty, and we find a generation distant, and which, when it arthat in the South, where the slaveholder had rived, would have been less than the one power-to use Mr. Carlyle’s expression—to which the North would have to encounter at hire their

negro fellow-countrymen for life-once. If a State can have a right to provide not merely hiring their labor, but hiring the for its own security in the future as well as chastity of the women and the souls and brains the present, to maintain its own creed, its of the inen-that is, to do what they would own laws, its own social life, without interwith that honor, mind, brain, and soul-when ference from without, then the North had a they did that to one class they at the same right to prevent, if necessary by arms, the time deprived their white fellow-citizens of formation of a great slave empire along its the freedom of speech, the freedom of the own border line. press, and almost of the freedom of thought.” It is this, and not the philanthropic quesNo man, whatever his character, can in a slave tion, which the governing classes of Great state be permitted to attack slavery, or to de- Britain have so steadily refused to see, and nounce cruelty, or to teach the slaves ; for if this which our public speakers have in so he is, there will as surely be insurrection as many instances failed to bring before them. there will be fire if oil is touched by flame. Mr. Forster has supplied the deficiency, and Self-preservation forbids the admission of free while acknowledging, as all but fanatics must, discussion, or free education, or free speech, the valor and conduct of the South, while exor free parliamentary debate, or even free lo- pressing a just conviction that “it is very comotion, or free internal trade-neither li- difficult for men, even in bad cause, to subquor, nor arms, nor books, nor newspapers, mit to the sacrifices and self-denial which nor good clothes, can possibly be sold to slaves, many men in the South have undergone, -and yet without these rights freedom is a without coming out of it purified and better mere phrase. Indeed, nominally free institu- than when they went in,” he still expresses tions are very nearly impossible, for the own- his faith that out of all the horrors and the

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From The Spectator, 26 Sept. with “ this compensation, that on the conti

NAPOLEON IN POLAND. nent of America,”—which is as much part of the domain of civilization as if it touched WEARILY, though without despair, we once the Mediterranean,—" the power and princi- more call the attention of our readers to that ples of freedom will rule, and not the power strange series of battles, manifestoes, ir and principles of slavery.". And as the cor- trigues, diplomatic struggles, and political ollary to this great lesson, he urges upon the failures which is called shortly “ the Polish nation a fair and just estimate of the mighty affair.” Events have occurred during the struggle they now witness with such impa- week, some of which may prove of importience. The member for Bradford does not, tance, and all of which, tending as they do to of course, endorse the unreasonable complaints a single definite end, deserve something more in which the American press indulge, for he than a passing comment. For the past six does not belong to the school which prefers months this journal, which on American afAmerica to England, and is disposed, like fairs has the ill fortune to find itself wholly most Englishmen, to meet menace with a very opposed to the sympathies of the class to clear defiance. He does not forget either, as whom it appeals, has on the Polish question it suits Mr. Charles Sumner to do, that, on been as widely at variance with that class's the whole, the English masses have been on conviction. The educated million, wishing the Northern side, and have endured suffering always the independence of Poland, believe caused by Northern blockades because freedom that it cannot be secured without intervenwas at stake; that the Government has been tion, and that intervention is hopeless. We throughout studiously patient and fair ; that believe, on the contrary, that apart from coneven the governing class, when called upon tingencies like the death of Lord Palmerston for action, shrank from aiding the men they or the Emperor of the French, intervention liked at the cost of the principle they had al- is, to say no more, the most probable of many ways maintained. But he calls upon the na-improbabilities. In spite of the growing lastion not to forget the magnitude of the issues situde of the English public mind, of the disat stake, and, remembering them, to forgive persion of the half-dozen men who really gora natural though unreasonable irritation, and ern Europe in search of recreation, of the support their Government in a just interpre- slow but visible decline in the military power tation of international law. That just inter- of the rebellion-a decline confirmed by propretation will, the speaker believes, prohibit nounced Liberals who have quitted Warsaw the despatch of more Alabamas. For, and within the week-and of the advanced season, the point is a new as well as a striking one, that opinion still seems to us the only one there is this marked difference between sell- which thoughtful men are justified in accepting arms to a belligerent and selling ships of ing. It is based on two leading ideas-that

The arms are useless till they arrive, Russia prefers battle to any concession in the and the power which professes to blockade matter, and that Louis Napoleon will accept lets them in by its own defect of vigilance battle rather than a final diplomatic defeat

power. Bút men-of-war can be used be-on a subject which his people, partly from fore they arrive, and there is no way of stop- noble and partly from selfish motives, have ping them, except by war on the selling na- taken so deeply to heart. The events of the tion. If, therefore, the Enlistment Act were week, whatever their ultimate meaning, at passed to avoide causes of war, it must cover, least tend in a high degree to confirm both or be so improved that it can be made to those impressions. cover, acts which can only be checked by the The Russian answers to the three powers war that measure was passed to prevent. The have been published at length, and amount British Government has accepted the respon

war :


in the aggregate to a polite refusal to tolerate sibility, and the country has now to support and full of the formal suavity one sees in its

further discussion. Curt to the last degree, them in their decision, or clearly resolve that full perfection only in a lawyer's letter, they they do not wish “ the principle of freedom to are to the full as menacing as the most trucpredominate on the continent of America.'

ulent American despatch or the haughtiest There is no escape from the issue, and, so English ultimatum. Prince Gortschakoff stated, there cannot be a doubt of the ultimate plays to all the part of Medea, and insists on decision ; but it would come all the sooner if cutting up the living body before applying Liberal members would argue out the ques- must precede the concession of the intended

the elixir of youth. Pacification, he says, tion with as great a preference for England, reforms. In other words, the czar intends to and as little fear of social clamor, as the subjugate Poland utterly before he discusses member for Bradford displayed before the peo- treaties, and, as Le Nord triumphantly boasts,

he has withdrawn his brother as representa

ple of Leeds.

tire of those clement ideas which are but | self-government, and their exemption from “ illusions," and which it is necessary “ to exceptional or heavy taxation. It is necesterminate by a vigorous military action, which sary to soothe them, and accordingly, the may re-assure the peaceable population, and czar, whose family for forty-five years have re-establish in the country order, safety, and broken all the stipulations framed when the calm.” A nation is to be put to death, and Grand Duchy was ceded to protect the Finns, then the executioner will discuss, if it be his has suddenly bethought himself of the hispleasure, the justice of the sentence and the toric rights of the province. He has called dignified mercy of the judge. This is ad- together the Diet, and on the 18th inst., he dressed to all Europe, but to France Prince opened it in person, in a speech which reads Gortschakoff adds something more. M. in parts like that of a constitutional monDrouyn de Lhuys, in language which, when arch. The Estates, of course, are invested a Bonaparte utters it, has force, had claimed with no power whatever, as the initiative for France full liberty, and left to Russia the and the veto are both reserved to the soverresponsibility of her actions. Prince Gort- eign, and loans will continue to be raised schakoff calmly accepts the covert menace, without sanction should“ an unexpected invaand in language which, if full of arrogance, sion of the enemy, or any other unlooked-for is not devoid of dignity, throws it back upon misfortune,” make more money necessary. France. “ Toleration of the plans of the But still the Diet is assembled, and if it is Revolution,” says the Russian minister, is “very dignified, very moderate, and very only to be feared from those powers which calm in discussion,” if, in short, it obeys ormay be determined to pursue, under an ap- ders, why that pleasing course of conduct pearance of diplomatic action within the lim-“ will furnish a new motive for re-assemits of international engagements, the realiza- bling it” three years hence. For, says the tion of the most extreme desires of the Polish czar, with that grandly impressive vagueness Revolution and the subversion of the Euro- which the despots of Europe have caught pean equilibrium.”

from the one competent man among them, The notion of equilibrium is explained by under such circumstances, " liberal institua meinorandum in which Prince Gortscha- tions, so far from being a danger, become koff re-asserts that Russia in 1812 held Po- guarantees of order and prosperity,” The land by right of conquest, and that the trea- Diet is not a Parliament evidently, and its ties of 1815 could give to the western powers acts will probably be confined to a new vote no right of interference in her internal af- of taxes; but words like these do not chill fairs. In short, 1815 notwithstanding, the the aspirations of the few who aspire, and kingdom of Poland is an integral part of the meeting of notables with some right of Russia, and as much beyond external criti- speech however restricted, some claim howcism as the courts of justice in Moscow or ever theoretical to refuse their sovereign’s rethe administration of the mines in Siberia. quests, would never have been sanctioned by Language like this would never have been the Government had not the external danger employed had not the Russian Government been extreme. Conciliation is so opposed to finally made up its mind. Apparent conces- the first principles of the Russian régime, a sions are so easy and great states so placa- Diet of any sort at Helsingfors establishes 80 ble, when placability will avoid war, that impressive a precedent for Moscow, that they Prince Gortschakoff under other circum- are of themselves sufficient proof that the stances would, at least, have argued. He Government anticipates dangers which mere now only announces that argument is at an force may not be sufficient to repel. Those end. It is with the same resolution that the dangers are clearly intimated in the allusion Government, with its finances still in disor-to the contingencies under which loans will der, hurries on works which defend nobody be raised for Finland without asking Finnish against the Poles, but will protect the coast consent. against any sudden descent, and that the czar That those dangers are real seems evident has sanctioned an extraordinary innovation. from the events of the week in France. It Under any menace from France, the weak is not in French nature to sit down calmly point of Russia is not so much Warsaw as under a defeat so complete as that which Finland, for France must always seek to use Prince Gortschakoff has inflicted. Sweden as her base, and Finland is and must therefore, at first announced that M. Drouyn be the Bernadotte's price. Were the prov- de Lhuys would reply in a note having the ince certainly loyal, a descent made even by force of an ultimatum. The spring, howa power like France might not be a very for- ever, is still distant, French armies cannot midable affair; but there is discontent in move over ice, and the cool brain which rules Finland. The Finns regret the old connec- France has devised ad interim a much more tion, the freedom and cheerful life which effectual reply. The National Government they see across the Baltic, their old rights of has just published and circulated a despatch

It was,

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