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do their utmost to force Russia into a Con- | momentous, it is highly important that the gress. Nor is Russia permitted to doubt politician who seeks to guide the public should wbat France would claim for Poland if a Con- observe the strictest impartiality. He must gress were to meet. The emperor solemnly occupy a neutral position between those inavows, what has long been notorious, that discreet friends who applaud everything that Poland is dear to France, and that it is the Napoleon says and does and those intemperate strong call of the French people for support opponents who condemn with as little disto Poland that has forced him to risk the crimination or sense of justice. Considering Russian alliance which he prized so highly. it in an independent spirit, we are inclined to Ile also proclaims that the nation which in regard the speech as in some respects satis
of Russia is a nation of rebels is in factory; and though it contains admissions his eyes fighting for a right grounded on his- calculated to excite grave apprehensions, we tory and treaties. Will Russia at the eleventh believe that the good elements prevail over hour yield to this strong appeal to her fears the bad. Devoting his attention at first to and her discretion? If she does, and if Aus- domestic affairs, the emperor was able to contria admits that there are grave questions gratulate the legislative bodies that, in spite waiting for solution in the South as well as of stagnation in an important branch of inin the North, then the emperor may have the dustry, progress had been maintained ; that triumph he long ago pictured to himself, and foreign competition had not produced the evil may trace out a new map of Europe without results predicted by those who feared the a life being lost. But if Russia acts as her change, as the exports during the first eight pride will prompt her, and declines to own months of 1863 -showed an increase of 233,that she is beaten without having fought, 000.000 francs over those of the same period then the emperor can scarcely abandon a in 1862, and shipping an increase of 175,000 cause which, as he acknowledges, touches the tons. He was, moreover, enabled to add that heart of France so deeply, and will be slow agriculture was flourishing and food cheap, to own that he has spoken in the name of that public works had been actively carried on, France and has spoken in vain.
and, what is still more important, the revenues had followed a continuous rise, so that
the expenses caused by the wars in CochinFrom The Press, 7 Nov. China and Mexico had been met without AFTER a long interval of suspense, silence having resort to extraordinary credits. The has been broken, and the oracle has uttered emperor having next explained that on acits mysterious response. The rumors, the count of the session commencing at hopes, and the fears that have for some time earlier period than customary, the Finance past agitated the public mind of Europe, Minister's report had not been published, if not actually set at rest, have received the promised its speedy production; and then enuimpatiently desired solution ; and those who merated several reforms, amongst which the still persist in speculating upon Napoleon's proposal to modify the law on joint-stock policy must restrict their surmises to his in- companies, and a bill, the object of which tentions, not to his words, as they have been was, as he said, “ to increase the powers of already uttered, constituting a topic of general the general and communal councils, and to discussion. His language may probably not be remedy the excess of centralization-in fact, sufficiently explicit to restore confidence in all to simplify administrative formalities," are quarters, and the interpretation of what he the most important to be presented to the has spoken will be as keenly criticised and Chamber for consideration. A passing referdiscussed as anticipations respecting the tenorence to Algeria and the ancient colonies of of the expected speech and its tendencies, France, commendation of the new Credit Inwhether in favor of peace or war, have been stitutions, and the admission that further up to the present time. Now, however, that efforts for the education of children-nearly the speech has been delivered, the controversy 600,000, as he admitted, being still devoid enters upon another phase, and the question of instruction-brought the purely domestic upon every tongue is-What does it really portion of the address to a close. mean?
Though this branch of the subject may be In attempting to decide upon a matter so lof paramount interest to his own people, the
anxiety displayed in other countries, and more lated to create misgiving, and it is only in particularly in England, is to obtain some def- dealing with the Polish question that Napainite notion of the principles by which his leon's tone undergoes a change. Indeed, his foreign policy is guided. It is therefore the first utterance on that perilous topic must latter portion of the address, dealing with cause pain to his sincerest admirers. Haring questions of this character, that engrosses the declared that when the insurrection burst attention of the British public, and it would forth the Governments of France and of Rusbe vain for us to attempt to conceal the fact sia were on the most friendly terms, this danthat it is not in all points so satisfactory as we gerous admission follows: “Since the conmight desire. Though his words are not per- clusion of peace they were always agreed haps calculated to create alarm lest a sudden upon the great European questions, and I do disruption of peace should ensue, still they not hesitate to declare so. During the war are capable of being construed in an unfa- in Italy, as well as at the time of the annervorable manner, and the emperor's antece- ation of Nice and of Savoy, the emperor gave dents almost justify the belief that such un- me his most sincere and cordial support.” favorable interpretation furnishes the key to Though this was well enough known in Eng. his aetual intentions. Commencing with the land, yet it has never before been avowed, war in America, to which the emperor makes and it completely justifies the charge that, in but casual reference,--not affording the slight- seeking to gain the favor of Russia during est hint of his intentions,--he passes on to the the Crimean war, Napoleon secured for her Mexican and Chinese expeditions, which he more favorable terms of peace than she could distinctly declares were brought about by the otherwise have obtained, and in order to do force of circumstances, and were not the re- this sacrificed England-his most trusty ally, sult of any premeditated plan. The former and his best friend. Russia was not unwillhe considers to have terminated most aus- ing to recognize the services rendered, and by piciously. “Our efforts (he says) will not her subsequent agreement with France, and have been fruitless, and we shall be largely re- the attitude she assumed in consequence, Nawarded for our sacrifices when the destinies poleon was enabled to carry out his projects of that country, which will owe its regenera- in Italy, and, in direct violation of his own tion to us, shall have been handed over to a solemn pledges, and in defiance of treaties prince whose enlightenment and high quali- that constitute the public law of Europe, to ties render him worthy of so noble a mission." annex Nice and Savoy. These, however, This may be regarded as an authoritative an- cannot be regarded as revelations; they are nouncement that the Archduke Ferdinand merely the confession of guilt by one of the Maximilian has accepted the throne. With accomplices in the crime. It is to be regretrespect to the last-mentioned expedition he ted that at this critical moment the emperor states: “ We have conquered a position in should revive the memory of these disgraceful Cochin-China which, without subjecting us transactions, and it is still more to be lato the difficulties of the local Government, mented that in so doing he should be comwill allow us to turn to account the immense pelled to plead guilty to the accusations resources of those countries, and to civilize brought against him at the time they were them by commerce.” So he calls upon the perpetrated, though the imputation was then assembled legislators to put faith in these rejected with scorn. expeditions beyond the seas, commenced to Compelled by popular opinion in France to avenge the honor of France, and terminating compromise his alliance with Russia, Napoin the triumph of her interests, and urges leon took action on the Polish insurrection. prejudiced minds, that cannot see the good His declaration that he could not in a ques. promise of the seed sown for the future, not tion affecting the most serious European into tarnish the glory achieved at the two ex- terests act alone, and that it was necessary tremities of the world—Mexico and Pekin. for him to come to an understanding with the Whether this is an attempt to excite in the other powers who had equal rights with French nation a passion for naval glory, time France and similar reasons to express their can alone decide. The emperor's desire, how- opinion, are creditable enough, and a consciever, appears evident enough.
entious observance of this policy would go far So far the speech contains nothing calcu-I to strengthen his throne and to render such
& calamity as a European war impossible. influence of France for that of Austria in the
emperor ube. Germany is agitating to alter them, is fond of circulating his views, and of watchEngland has generously modified them by the ing the effects they produce. That he has cession of the Ionian Islands, and Russia long cherished the desire of setting aside the treads them under foot at Warsaw.” Such, Treaties of Vienna—that he has, indeed, profrom the first, has been Napoleon's object, claimed it as part of his mission to accomplish and in order to disguise it, and to render it this object—is well known. He probably more palatable to the English public, the deems this a convenient moment for making bait is on this occasion temptingly displayed a demonstration on this point, and nothing of a general reduction in armaments. Were more. Believing this to be the case, we are it possible to get together such a Congress, not inclined to attach too much importance war, rather than peace, must be its inevita- to his remarks on the necessity for a Conble result. Though in the presence of a great gress. It would unsettle everything. The danger, the powers that assembled at the proposal will be rejected, and he can hardly Congress of Vienna were several times on the afford to isolate himself. Let the other powpoint of appealing to the arbitrament of the ers of Europe adhere strictly to constitutional sword, and what hope can be entertained that principles let them stand firm in their resolve amid so many jarring elements peace would to uphold the public law of Europe, and no be more surely established at this moment by harm will ensue. Though there are many the attempt to construct a new public law for things Napoleon desires, there are few upon Europe, rather than in abiding by the old? which bis heart is so firmly bent that he will
To weaken the authority of the Treaties of imperil his dynasty by braving a European Vienna has been Napoleon's aim from the confederacy, and rushing into war in order first. He succeeded in so doing when he an- to secure their accomplishment. nexed Nice and Savoy, and substituted the
From The Economist. dom of the American States as its true type THE “MONROE DOCTRINE” IN 1823 AND and model. 1863.
Things are greatly changed now. Mr.
Everett very naturally expresses his heartfelt MR. EVERETT, the American diplomatist, wish that such words as Sir James Mackinhas published in the American journals a tosh’s “ were oftener heard in the British long paper on the English origin of what is Parliament" now. The wish is very natcaled the Monroe doctrine; viz., President ural, and not very important. But it is not Monroe's declaration that “the American very likely to be granted. When Mr. Everett continents, by the free and independent expresses his wonder at England's pleasure condition which they have assuined and in hearing “ that a French invasion, the premaintain, are henceforth not to be con- cise movement which Mr. Canning in 1823 sidered as subjects for future colonization urged the United States to join him in forby any European power.” We have no bidding, has succeeded in trampling in the fault whatever to find with the tone of dust the policy which England then had so Mr. Everett's letter. He points out in moder- much at heart, and to which it is as much ate language that the exclusive doctrine her interest now as ever to adhere,'-he which now sounds so objectionable and arro- merely shows how little he understands the gant to English ears, is, strictly speaking, of Eoglish view of American politics. We wish English origin,—that Mr. Canning himself to express no judgment on either the justice eagerly pressed some such declaration on Pres- or wisdom of the present French invasion of ident Monroe,-that itsenunciation by Presi. Mexico. As regards the Mexican population dent Monroe practically defeated the danger there may be much to urge against it. Even, which was thon held to be imminent of a however, as regards Mexico itself we are European Congress meeting to discuss the fate forced to view the matter very differently of the revolted Spanish colonies,--that the from Mr. Canning. In 1823 'people were Monroe doctrine might, therefore, quite as very hopeful of the experiment of freedom in fairly be called the Canning doctrine, and that the Spanish American colonies. In 1863 peoit was received in Parliament by Mr. Brougham ple are not hopeful of that experiment, and and the Liberal party of that day with shouts though they may think the French invasion of exultation. All this is unquestionably unjust and unwise, can hardly regard the true. Sir James Mackintosh's remark on the Mexicans as they regard the Poles or the Italoccasion is quoted by Mr. Everett. He said ians. The Mexicans have had their chance that he was delighted to see how completely of freedom and have preferred anarchy. England and the United States agreed on the They have had their chance of self-governmatter in question, and added : This coin- ment and preferred pillage. Franco may cidence of the two grent English common- have been very wrong in interfering with it, wealths—for so I delight to call them, and because she may have little power to substiI pray that they may be forever 80 united tute anything better, but we cannot be exin the cause of justice and liberty-cannot pected to feel deeply for the Mexicans. A be contemplated without the utmost pleas- strong and permanent foreign influence over ure by every enlightened citizen of the them would be much better than no Governearth.” Mr. Canning was in this matter, ment. Even a weak and temporary foreign at least, the true exponent of the foreign pol- influence, though it might be bad and add to licy of the Liberal party, which sympathized the discord, could scarcely be conceived as eagerly with the revolted Spanish colonies, greatly aggravating the mischief. England looked hopefully to their fåture, and sus- in 1863 is certainly quite unable to feel the pected France of coveting territory in Spanish saine hope of Spanish American liberty as America, where she would re-introduce the England in 1823. principle of tyrannizing from a distance over But if, as regards considerations for the enslaved colonies in the Gulf of Mexico. The welfare of Mexico, the Liberal view of the danexperiment of republican institutions for ger of European aggression is necessarily Spanish America was looked upon with great greatly changed, as regards considerations for hope. The encroaching policy of the conti- limiting the power of France, and strengthnental despotisms was looked upon with great ening at once the influence of England and hatred. Mr. Canning thought that he could the welfare of the United States, it is still not give a greater impulse to the cause of more greatly changed. What the Liberal freedom than by warning off all the old pow- party of that day feared from the meddling of ers, except England, froin the American con- France in Mexico was some great increase of tinent;--for no great country in Europe was French strength-an impulse to the power at that period (1822–23) in any sense free, and despotic influence of France on both sides and even in England such little popular free- of the Atlantic. What the Liberals now hope dom as there was, held up to itself the free from the invasion of Mexico is a great expen
diture of French strength a fresh guarantee great advantage also to their self-knowledge. against her restlessness on both sides of the Liberal politicians, who are far from wishing Atlantic. We no longer hold the idea that to see the dull uniformity of American life formerly prevailed, that mere extent of terri- broken by the successful inauguration of so tory means substantial increase of power. great a national evil as a slave empire, yet Probably few English politicians who con- admit freely that the experiment of one nagratulate themselves on the French adventure tion for one continent has turned out on the in Mexico, look upon it as anything more whole far from well. The American nation than a great drain on French resources, which has very much the sort of faults which “ only will leave the emperor a much smaller dis- children" are said to have. It has no correct posable force for European schemes of “re- measure of its own strength. Haring never constructions”-as a sort of political seton entered into close competition with any other lowering the physical strength but clearing nation, it indulges in that infinite braggadothe brain of France.
cio which a public school so soon rubs out of Bnt again, English Liberals in 1823 sup- a conceited boy. And what is a more seriposed that the greatest danger of the Ameri- ous though a less disagreeable fault, there is can colonies lay in the ambition of European inevitably a terrible uniformity about the powers, which were eager to resist or restrict American national character, a frightful want the natural spread of the free institutions of of play and variety in its political life. We America. But the experience of forty years now see clearly that "undisturbed expanhas shown us how little of reality there is in sion” for political institutions has at least this danger, how much reality in a quite dif- vast evils to counterbalance the great econferent danger then scarcely anticipated. It omy of strife and animosity which it ensures. was the first time that the experiment had The sincerest well-wishers to the American been tried of letting a nation of freemen, and people, who look with dismay on secession if of free men in the highest phase of civilization, it is to give the North a rival only on the bagrow and expand quite without any resisting sis of slavery, would still see with satisfaction or constraining force to limit and compress the growth of any specific national peculiarand mould it into the shapes which a society ities in different parts of the continent, which of nations necessarily imposes. It was sup- would ensure competition and rivalry withposed that the political life of this people out that evil peculiarity. There is the sort would grow like a forest tree, all the more of feeling amongst all acute observers which rich and free and magnificent for not being Mr. Disraeli expressed about a yearago, that jostled by a number of competing neighbors. the Northern States are beginning to want a So many of the miseries of Europe had obvi- little general political society,--equal comously arisen from the fierce competitions and petitors in the political race, not only to rivalries of nations,—so much freedom had sober their pretensions, but to give them the been extinguished simply because it was in wholesome sense of close foreign observation compatible with the genius of neighboring and the wholesome duty of observing vigipowers, that at that time the idea of a conti- lantly in their turn. nent over which a single nation might spread Now, of course, this feeling essentially afand stretch at pleasure, without encountering fects our view of the French invasion of Mexa single formidable rival, had in it a peculiar ico. Without pronouncing on its justice, it attraction for the Liberal party. Here it was is impossible to feel that alarm which Mr. thought all the conditions of political freedom Canning, expressed on behalf of the liberal were combined in the most perfect harmony. foreign politics of England, and which he sucNo Liberal politician of really thoughtful in- cessfully instilled into the United States. It tellect, however, is so well satisfied on this the United States could get foreign neighbors head now. Very many-amongst whom we of anything like equal political intelligence, must reckon ourselves —have come to the con- without slavery,-neighbors who would keep clusion that it is with young nations much as them under critical, if not hostile, surveilit is with
young children : if they are lance,-neighbors wbom they would have to brought up in close association with each keep under critical, if not hostile, surveilother, they will fight much and create the lance,-both the restraint and the variety this most dreadful disturbances in their youth, would give to their politics would do them a and yet they will on the whole grow up into great deal of good. more various, more interesting, and better No conviction has grown more steadily on disciplined forms of mature life than “ only politicians of late years than the conviction children” educated at home.
that freedom, though the essence of all that The constant action and reaction of differ- is highest in political life, is not sufficient for ent tempers, different talents, different tastes, the development of a high form of political is, on the whole, an advantage, a great ad- character without also variety, competition, vantage, to their originality of character—a and restraint. Even in the internal political