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a calamity as a European war impossible. | influence of France for that of Austria in the The steps taken in consequence of the under- Italian peninsula. Yet there are other direc standing arrived at between Austria, France, tions in which the Treaties of Vienna present and England have, however, the emperor ad- a formidable obstacle to the realization of his mits, embittered instead of putting a stop to ambitious schemes. Were they abrogated, the struggle. This leads him to ask, "What, the great powers of Europe would have noththen, is to be done? Are we reduced to the ing to which they could appeal in case of fusole alternative of war or of silence?" His ture attempts at aggression. And one part reply is in the negative, and it is in the rem- of his remarks on this long-cherished idea edy which he proposes and the reasons which shows that the question of the nationalities is he adduces in recommending it that danger- still uppermost in his mind: "Let us no lonous doctrines are broached. As Russia has ger give factitious importance to the subveradmitted that conferences, in which all the sive spirit of extreme parties by opposing other questions which agitate Europe should ourselves with narrow calculations to the be discussed, would not be in any way offen- legitimate aspirations of nations." Before sive to her, the emperor recommends that this we can pronounce these aspirations legiti declaration should be accepted, and a Congress mate, we require some information as to their held to settle not only the Polish difficulty, but real nature. And it must not be forgotten, all other complicated points. The proposal that what one nation or government may conis not in itself so objectionable: it is the rea-sider legitimate another may regard with the sons adduced why the course should be adopted most profound abhorrence. that are calculated to create alarm. It is the Though portions of the address to which old story-the attempt to destroy the author- we have referred are by no means calculated ity of the Treaties of 1815, which, the em- to inspire confidence, our hope is that they peror proceeds to say, "have ceased to exist. are to be regarded rather as attempts to please The force of circumstances has upset them, the French people, or to elicit an expression or tends to upset them. They have been dis- of European opinion on particular points, than carded nearly everywhere-in Greece, in Bel- as indications of a settled policy which Napogium, in France, in Italy, as upon the Dan-leon is determined to enforce. The emperor ube. Germany is agitating to alter them, is fond of circulating his views, and of watchEngland has generously modified them by the ing the effects they produce. That he has cession of the Ionian Islands, and Russia long cherished the desire of setting aside the treads them under foot at Warsaw." Such, Treaties of Vienna-that he has, indeed, profrom the first, has been Napoleon's object, claimed it as part of his mission to accomplish and in order to disguise it, and to render it this object-is well known. He probably more palatable to the English public, the deems this a convenient moment for making bait is on this occasion temptingly displayed a demonstration on this point, and nothing of a general reduction in armaments. Were more. Believing this to be the case, we are it possible to get together such a Congress, not inclined to attach too much importance war, rather than peace, must be its inevita- to his remarks on the necessity for a Conble result. Though in the presence of a great gress. It would unsettle everything. The danger, the powers that assembled at the proposal will be rejected, and he can hardly Congress of Vienna were several times on the point of appealing to the arbitrament of the sword, and what hope can be entertained that amid so many jarring elements peace would be more surely established at this moment by the attempt to construct a new public law for Europe, rather than in abiding by the old?

To weaken the authority of the Treaties of Vienna has been Napoleon's aim from the first. He succeeded in so doing when he annexed Nice and Savoy, and substituted the

afford to isolate himself. Let the other powers of Europe adhere strictly to constitutional principles-let them stand firm in their resolve to uphold the public law of Europe, and no harm will ensue. Though there are many things Napoleon desires, there are few upon which his heart is so firmly bent that he will imperil his dynasty by braving a European confederacy, and rushing into war in order to secure their accomplishment.

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IN 1823 AND 1863. 525 dom of the American States as its true type and model.

MONROE DOCTRINE
From The Econo mist.
THE "MONROE DOCTRINE" IN 1823 AND
1863.

MR. EVERETT, the American diplomatist,
has published in the American journals a
long paper on the English origin of what is
called the Monroe doctrine; viz., President
Monroe's declaration that "the American
continents, by the free and independent
condition which they have assumed and
maintain, are henceforth not to be con-
sidered as subjects for future colonization
by any European power." We have no
fault whatever to find with the tone of
Mr. Everett's letter. He points out in moder-
ate language that the exclusive doctrine
which now sounds so objectionable and arro-
gant to English ears, is, strictly speaking, of
English origin,-that Mr. Canning himself
eagerly pressed some such declaration on Pres-
ident Monroe, that it enunciation by Presi-
dent Monroe practically defeated the danger
which was then held to be imminent of a
European Congress meeting to discuss the fate
of the revolted Spanish colonies,-that the
Monroe doctrine might, therefore, quite as
fairly be called the Canning doctrine, and that
it was received in Parliament by Mr. Brougham
and the Liberal party of that day with shouts
of exultation. All this is unquestionably
true. Sir James Mackintosh's remark on the
occasion is quoted by Mr. Everett. He said
that he was delighted to see how completely
England and the United States agreed on the
matter in question, and added: "This coin-
cidence of the two great English common-
wealths for so I delight to call them, and
I pray that they may be forever so united
in the cause of justice and liberty-cannot
be contemplated without the utmost pleas-
ure by every enlightened citizen of the
earth."
Mr. Canning was in this matter,
at least, the true exponent of the foreign pol-
licy of the Liberal party, which sympathized
eagerly with the revolted Spanish colonies,
looked hopefully to their future, and sus-
pected France of coveting territory in Spanish
America, where she would re-introduce the
principle of tyrannizing from a distance over
enslaved colonies in the Gulf of Mexico. The
experiment of republican institutions for
Spanish America was looked upon with great
hope. The encroaching policy of the conti-
nental despotisms was looked upon with great
hatred. Mr. Canning thought that he could
not give a greater impulse to the cause of
freedom than by warning off all the old pow-
ers, except England, from the American con-
tinent;-for no great country in Europe was
at that period (1822-23) in any sense free,
and even in England such little popular free-
dom as there was, held up to itself the free-

Things are greatly changed now. Mr. Everett very naturally expresses his heartfelt wish that such words as Sir James Mackintosh's "were oftener heard in the British Parliament" now. The wish is very natural, and not very important. But it is not very likely to be granted. When Mr. Everett expresses his wonder at England's pleasure in hearing " that a French invasion, the precise movement which Mr. Canning in 1823 urged the United States to join him in forbidding, has succeeded in trampling in the dust the policy which England then had so much at heart, and to which it is as much her interest now as ever to adhere," he merely shows how little he understands the English view of American politics. We wish to express no judgment on either the justice or wisdom of the present French invasion of Mexico. As regards the Mexican population there may be much to urge against it. Even, however, as regards Mexico itself we are forced to view the matter very differently from Mr. Canning. In 1823 people were very hopeful of the experiment of freedom in the Spanish American colonies. In 1863 people are not hopeful of that experiment, and though they may think the French invasion unjust and unwise, can hardly regard the Mexicans as they regard the Poles or the Italians. The Mexicans have had their chance of freedom and have preferred anarchy. They have had their chance of self-government and preferred pillage. France may have been very wrong in interfering with it, because she may have little power to substitute anything better, but we cannot be expected to feel deeply for the Mexicans. A strong and permanent foreign influence over them would be much better than no Government. Even a weak and temporary foreign influence, though it might be bad and add to the discord, could scarcely be conceived as greatly aggravating the mischief. England in 1863 is certainly quite unable to feel the same hope of Spanish American liberty as England in 1823.

But if, as regards considerations for the welfare of Mexico, the Liberal view of the danger of European aggression is necessarily greatly changed, as regards considerations for limiting the power of France, and strengthening at once the influence of England and the welfare of the United States, it is still more greatly changed. What the Liberal party of that day feared from the meddling of France in Mexico was some great increase of French strength-an impulse to the power and despotic influence of France on both sides of the Atlantic. What the Liberals now hope from the invasion of Mexico is a great expen

IN 1823 AND 1863.

diture of French strength-a fresh guarantee | great advantage also to their self-knowledge. against her restlessness on both sides of the Liberal politicians, who are far from wishing Atlantic. We no longer hold the idea that to see the dull uniformity of American life formerly prevailed, that mere extent of terri- broken by the successful inauguration of so tory means substantial increase of power. great a national evil as a slave empire, yet Probably few English politicians who con-admit freely that the experiment of one nagratulate themselves on the French adventure tion for one continent has turned out on the in Mexico, look upon it as anything more whole far from well. The American nation than a great drain on French resources, which has very much the sort of faults which " only will leave the emperor a much smaller dis- children" are said to have. It has no correct posable force for European schemes of "re- measure of its own strength. Having never constructions". lowering the physical strength but clearing nation, it indulges in that infinite braggado-as a sort of political seton entered into close competition with any other the brain of France. But again, English Liberals in 1823 sup- a conceited boy. posed that the greatest danger of the Ameri- ous though a less disagreeable fault, there is cio which a public school so soon rubs out of can colonies lay in the ambition of European inevitably a terrible uniformity about the And what is a more seripowers, which were eager to resist or restrict American national character, a frightful want the natural spread of the free institutions of of play and variety in its political life. We America. But the experience of forty years now see clearly that "undisturbed expanhas shown us how little of reality there is in sion" for political institutions has at least this danger, how much reality in a quite dif- vast evils to counterbalance the great econferent danger then scarcely anticipated. It omy of strife and animosity which it ensures. was the first time that the experiment had The sincerest well-wishers to the American been tried of letting a nation of freemen, and people, who look with dismay on secession if of free men in the highest phase of civilization, it is to give the North a rival only on the bagrow and expand quite without any resisting sis of slavery, would still see with satisfaction or constraining force to limit and compress the growth of any specific national peculiarand mould it into the shapes which a society ities in different parts of the continent, which of nations necessarily imposes. It was sup- would ensure competition and rivalry withposed that the political life of this people out that evil peculiarity. There is the sort would grow like a forest tree, all the more of feeling amongst all acute observers which rich and free and magnificent for not being Mr. Disraeli expressed about a year ago, that jostled by a number of competing neighbors. the Northern States are beginning to want a So many of the miseries of Europe had obvi- little general political society,-equal_comously arisen from the fierce competitions and petitors in the political race, not only to rivalries of nations,-so much freedom had sober their pretensions, but to give them the been extinguished simply because it was in- wholesome sense of close foreign observation compatible with the genius of neighboring and the wholesome duty of observing vigipowers, that at that time the idea of a conti- lantly in their turn. nent over which a single nation might spread and stretch at pleasure, without encountering a single formidable rival, had in it a peculiar attraction for the Liberal party. Here it was thought all the conditions of political freedom were combined in the most perfect harmony. No Liberal politician of really thoughtful intellect, however, is so well satisfied on this head now. Very many-amongst whom we must reckon ourselves-have come to the conclusion that it is with young nations much as it is with young children: brought up in close association with each if they are other, they will fight much and create the most dreadful disturbances in their youth, and yet they will on the whole grow up into more various, more interesting, and better disciplined forms of mature Hfe than "only children" educated at home.

The constant action and reaction of different tempers, different talents, different tastes, is, on the whole, an advantage, a great advantage, to their originality of character-a

fects our view of the French invasion of Mexico. Without pronouncing on its justice, it Now, of course, this feeling essentially afis impossible to feel that alarm which Mr. Canning expressed on behalf of the liberal foreign politics of England, and which he successfully instilled into the United States. It the United States could get foreign neighbors of anything like equal political intelligence, without slavery,-neighbors who would keep them under critical, if not hostile, surveil keep under critical, if not hostile, surveillance,-neighbors whom they would have to lance,-both the restraint and the variety this would give to their politics would do them a great deal of good.

politicians of late years than the conviction No conviction has grown more steadily on is highest in political life, is not sufficient for the development of a high form of political that freedom, though the essence of all that character without also variety, competition, and restraint. Even in the internal political

organizations of nations, those political con- GENERAL ROSECRANZ has shown, like most stitutions are the highest which, like those of the displaced Northern leaders, but more of England and Italy, comprehend the most than all of them, great magnanimity in his various elements in harmonious combination. temporary disgrace. His speeches at CincinThe politics of France and America are infe- nati on the 27th October betray no spark of rior just because the number of really dis-spite against his Government, though they tinct social and political elements is much do show some surprise at his removal. "I less. But when to this interior uniformity hope," he said, there is no disposition you add complete external isolation, as in the case of America, the evil is, of course, greatly exaggerated. And though we could not expect Mr. Canning to foresee, in 1823, the course of events which has brought all this home to us with so much vividness, Mr. Everett must excuse us from accepting that statesman's somewhat obsolete authority for a policy, the danger of which every year since Canning's death has helped to iilustrate and increase.

Nov.

among you to question the act of the Government. I do not say this to stifle your feelings, but to wait for further light. To prevent any misunderstanding, I will state here that, since the battle of Chickamauga, the President has written me personally to express his satisfaction at what was done." He went on to rally good-naturedly the New York journals, which have spoken of his failing health, his opium-eating, and other false charges, and concluded with encouraging the citizens of Cincinnati to make every sacrifice MR. LINCOLN has been tested as few gov-dently regards as holy. General Rosecranz, for the prosecution of a war which he eviernors have ever been tested, and though he may not always have risen fully to the level apparently, modestly as he spoke, did not beof a great emergency, he has seldom failed to lieve that, after all his brilliant achievements, display a noble impartiality, a great firmness he was really to be shelved.-Spectator, 14 of purpose, and a sagacious, if somewhat utilitarian, judgment. His reply to the Missouri delegation who memorialized him to remove General Schofield, chiefly because that general had refused to permit the proposed retaliatory incursion of the Kansas men into Missouri after the horrible massacre in Law- MR. VILLIERS addressed his constituents on rence by the Confederate guerillas, is a model Monday, at Wolverhampton, in a speech conof firm and temperate good sense. "While taining the strongest declaration of Northern no punishment," he says, "could be too sud-opinion yet made by a member of the Cabiden or too severe for these murderers, I am net. He compared the case of the South well satisfied that the preventing of the boldly to that of Ireland. Repeal was once threatened remedial raid into Missouri was a great question, "Yet he never rememthe only safe way to avoid an indiscriminate bered one English member who was for it, or massacre there, including, probably, more in-one that would not have voted any means to nocent than guilty. Instead of condemning, maintain union, or any minister who would I therefore approve what General Schofield not have been called a traitor who had thought did in that respect. With my present views, of yielding it; and he did not know to what I must decline to remove General Schofield." length they would not have gone to retain the The letter is not only good, but dignified. Union had the eminent man who agitated that "I hold whoever commands in Missouri, or question so perseveringly not died." If Ireelsewhere," it concludes, "responsible to me, land seceded to-morrow, the very men who and not to either Radicals or Conservatives. rave at the North would arm to put her It is my duty to hear all; but, at last, I must down, and, probably, while slaughtering within my sphere judge what to do and what | Irish secessionists would keep on abusing to forbear." We believe a juster man never Americans for acting so like themselves.held the reins of government.-Spectator, 14 Spectator, 14 Nov.

ADIEU TO MR. BEECHER.

MR. BEECHER has left us; he has sailed for America, where he can tell his congregation just what he likes, but where he will, we are sure, tell Messrs. Lincoln and Seward the exact truth; namely, that large numbers of the uneducated classes crowded to hear a celebrated orator, and that the press has been very good-natured to him. Also, we hope he will say, because he knows it, that the educated classes are at the present date just as Neutral in the matter of the American quarrel as they were before the reverend gentleman's arrival. Having duly stated these facts to the President and the Minister, Mr. Beecher may put them in any form he pleases before the delightful congregation, whose members pay £40 a year, each, for pews. And to show that we part with him in all good nature, we immortalize his witty allusion to ourselves in his farewell speech :

"I know my friend Punch thinks I have been serving out soothing syrup' to the British Lion. (Laughter.) Very properly the picture represents me as putting a spoon into the lion's ear instead of his mouth; and I don't wonder that the great brute turns away very sternly from that plan of feeding." (Renewed laughter.)

A gentler criticism upon us could not be, and we scorn to retort that, having a respect for anatomy, we did not make the lion's ear large enough to hold the other spoon depicted in that magnificent engraving. For the Reverend Beecher is not a spoon, whatever we may think of his audiences in England. And so we wish him goodby, and plenty of greenbacks and green believers.-Punch.

THE MERSEY RAMS.

As I stood by the Mersey,
Upon a certain day,

I saw a couple of Rams there

That never were fed upon hay.
The number of their dimensions
I can't exactly tell,

But I guess their length was over
Thrice ten yards and an ell.

Upon my word 'tis true, sir,
And what'll you lay it's a lie?
And if you'll go to Birkenhead,
You'll see it as well as I.

The wool on their sides is iron,

The horns on their heads are steel; Their trotters were under water,

Like the mail-clad Warrior's keel.
Their tails that grew on their haunches
Were hidden from my view,
Those tails are their propellers;
And each is an Iron Screw.
Upon my word, etc.

These Rams are in Mersey water
As true as I sit here;

The one of them called El Toussoon,
The other, El Monastir;

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THE RAM OF LIVERPOOL.
AIR-" The Ram of Derby."

As I was sailing the Mersey

I saw a wonderful Ram,
Which the people there they told me
Had frightened Uncle Sam.
Thinks I, it is no wonder

For the Ram's as long as a street,
And his head is covered with iron

To smash whatever it meet.

And out of the small of his back, sir,
Is sticking a roaring flue,
And under his terrible stern, sir,

Is no end of an awful screw.

And a Ram we know is addicted

To rushing about in play,
And it might be a wiry time, sir,

For whatever got into his way.
They said he was going te Egypt,
At least so his owner states,
But suppose he mistook the turning,
And made for Davis's straits.

I think that an honest drover

Might prove where he'd made a sale,
And not come smoothing us over
With a cock and a bullish tale.

And I think that Policeman Russell,
Who to keep the peace is bound,
Has used a wise discretion

In clapping the Ram in the Pound.

-Punch.

IMPERIAL MNEMONICS. WE hasten to supply a slight omission in our contemporaries' translation of the speech of the emperor. His majesty, with great consideration, delicately hinted to MM. Berryer, Thiers, JulesFavre, and the other gentlemen who speak the sentiments of Paris, if not of France, that he hoped they would remember not to perjure themselves, but the journals do not give the exact text. It was this. "You have all taken the same oath to me" that I took to the Republic. The last six words have not been reported, but it will be seen how materially they increase the force of his majesty's charming eloquence.-Punch.

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