and with God is the greatest strength there | certificate of probation and a certificate of can be in the world." It is impossible not competency—that is, if he has not served for to feel the serenity and sincerity of these five years in a secondary school, and passed words. Twice he refused to edit the Univers; the authorized public examination for secondhe refused a chair in the University of Lou-ary teachers. Finally, the school is always vain. In 1836, when his fame filled France, he subject to state inspection, to ascertain that disappeared for five years, and these years he the pupils are properly lodged and fed, and passed in silence and seclusion at Rome. He that the teaching contains nothing contrary came back in 1841 a Dominican monk; again, to public morality and to the laws; and the at Notre Dame, that eloquence, that ineffable school may be closed by the public authoriaccent, led his countrymen and foreigners cap- ties on an inspector's report, duly verified tive; he achieved his cherished purpose of Still, for an establishment like the Sorèze re-establishing in France the religious orders. school the actual state interference comes to Then once more he disappeared, and after a very little; the minister has the power of short station at Toulouse consigned himself, dispensing with the certificate of probation, for the rest of his life, to the labor and obscu- and holy orders are accepted in the place of rity of Sorèze. One of the great consolations the certificate of competency (the examinaof my present life," he writes from Sorèze, “ is, that I have now God and the young for my sole companions." The young, with their fresh spirit, as they instinctively feel the presence of a great character, so, too, irresistibly receive an influence from souls which live habitually with God.

Lacordaire received me with great kindness. He was above the middle height, with an excellent countenance; great dignity in his look and bearing, but nothing ascetic; his manners animated, and every gesture and movement showing the orator. He asked me to dine with him the next day, and to see the school festival, the fête des anciens élèves; but I could not stop. Then he ordered lights, for it was growing dark, and insisted on showing me all over the place that evening.

tion in the seminary being more difficult than the examination for this latter). In France the state (Machiavel, as we English think it), in naming certain matters as the objects of its supervision in private schools, means what it says, and does not go beyond these matters; and, for these matters, the name of a man like Lacordaire serves as a guarantee, and is readily accepted as such. All the boys at Sorèze are boarders, and a boarder's expenses here exceed by about eight pounds or ten pounds a year his expenses at a lyceum. The programme of studies differs little from that of the lyceums, but the military system of these state schools Lacordaire repudiated. Instead of the vast common dormitories of the lyceums, every boy had his little cell to himself; that was, after all, While we were waiting for lights he asked as it seemed to me, the great difference. me much about Oxford; I had already heard But immense stress was laid, too, upon physfrom his old pupils that Oxford was a favor-ical education, which the lyceums are said ite topic with him, and that he held it up to too much to neglect. Lacordaire showed me them as a model of everything that was ven- with great satisfaction the stable, with more erable. Lights came, and we went over the than twenty horses, and assured me that all establishment; the school then contained the boys were taught to ride. There was nearly three hundred pupils-a great rise the salle d'escrime, where they fenced, the since Lacordaire first came in 1854, but not armory full of guns and swords, the shootingso many as the school has had in old times. gallery, and so on. All this is in our eyes a It is said that Lacordaire at first resorted so little fantastic, and does not replace the want frequently to expulsion as rather to alarm of cricket and football in a good field, and of people. Sorèze, under his management, freedom to roam over the country out of chiefly created interest by the sort of compe- school hours; in France, however, it is a tition which it maintained with the lyceums, good deal; and then twice a week all the or state schools. A private school of this boys used to turn out with Lacordaire upon kind, in France, cannot be opened without the mountains, to their great enjoyment, as giving notice to the public authorities; the consent of these authorities is withheld if the premises of the proposed school are improper, or if its director fails to produce a

the Sorèze people said, the Father himself being more vigorous than any of them. And the old abbey school has a small park adjoining it, with the mountains rising close be

hind, and it has beautiful trees in its courts, | body in the world, knows anything about and by no means the dismal barrack-look of anything. However, I have seen few people a lyceum. Lacordaire had a staff of more more impressive; he was not a great modern than fifty teachers and helpers, about half of thinker, but a great Christian orator of the these being members of his own religious fourth century, born in the nineteenth; playorder-Dominicans; all co-operated in some ing his part in the nineteenth century not so way or other in conducting the school. La- successfully as he would have played it in the cordaire used never to give school-lessons fourth, but still nobly. I would have given himself, but scarcely a Sunday passed with- much to stay longer with him, as he kindly out his preaching in the chapel. The high-pressed me; I was tempted, too, by hearing est and most distinguished boys formed a body called the Institute, with no governing powers like those of our sixth form, but with a sort of common-room to themselves, and with the privilege of having their meals with Lacordaire and his staff. I was shown, too, a Salle d'Illustres, or Hall of Worthies, into which the boys are introduced on high days and holidays; we should think this fanciful, but I found it impressive. The hall is decorated with busts of the chief of the former scholars, some of them very distinguished. Among these busts was that of Henri de Larochejacquelin (who was brought up here at Sorèze), with his noble, speaking countenance, his Vendean hat, and the heart and cross on his breast. There was, besides, a theatre for public recitations. We ended with the chapel, in which we found all the school assembled; a Dominican was reading to them from the pulpit an edifying life of a scapegrace converted to seriousness by a bad accident, much better worth listening to than most sermons. When it was over, Lacordaire whispered to me to ask if I would stay for the prayers or go at once. I stayed they were very short and simple; and I saw the boys disperse afterwards. The gayety of the little ones and their evident fondness for the Père was a pretty sight. As we went out of the chapel, one of them, a little fellow of ten or eleven, ran from behind us, snatched, with a laughing face, Lacordaire's hand, and kissed it; Lacordaire smiled, and patted his head. When I read the other day in M. de Montalembert's book how Lacordaire had said, shortly before his death, "I have always tried to serve God, the Church, and our Lord Jesus Christ; besides these I have loved-oh, dearly loved!-children and young people," I thought of this

that it was likely he would make a speech the next day. Never did any man so give one the sense of his being a natural orator, perfect in ease and simplicity; they told me that on Sunday, when he preached, be hardly ever went up into the pulpit, but spoke to them from his place "sans façon." But I had an engagement to keep at Carcassone at a certain hour, and I was obliged to go. At nine I took leave of Lacordaire and returned to the village inn, clean, because it is frequented by the relations of pupils. There I supped with my fellow-travellers, the old scholars; charming companions they proved themselves. Late we sat, much vin de Cahors we drank, and great friends we became. Before we parted, one of them, the Beziers youth studying at Paris, with the amiability of his race assured me (God forgive him!) that he was well acquainted with my poems. By five the next morning I had started to return to Castelnaudary. Recrossing the Montagne Noire in the early morning was very cold work, but the view was inconceivably grand. I caught the train at Castelnaudary, and was at Carcassone by eleven; there I saw a school, and I saw the old city of Carcassone. I am not going to describe either the one or the body see the cité de Carcassone. It is, indeed, other, but I cannot forbear saying, Let everyas the antiquarians call it, the Middle Age Herculaneum. When you first get sight of the old city, which is behind the modern town-when you have got clear of the modern town, and come out upon the bridge over the Aude, and see the walled cite upon its that you are looking at a vignette in Ivanhoe. hill before you-you rub your eyes and think

Thus I have enabled, as far as I could, the English reader to see what a French lyceum is like, and what a French private school, competing with a lyceum, is like. I have given him, as far as I could, the facts; now for the application of the facts. What is Lacordaire knew absolutely nothing of our which we in this country have to solve? the problem respecting secondary instruction great English schools, their character, or re- What light do these facts throw upon that cent history; but then no Frenchman, except problem? The answer to these questions I a very few at Paris who know more than any-'must reserve for a second paper.

incident.

From The Spectator, 5 Sept.

MESSRS. LAIRD'S IRON RAMS AND THE

FOREIGN ENLISTMENT ACT.

to the plans of a politic foreigner. Nor could these gentlemen, however willing to be Mr. Jefferson Davis's political tools, have managed to endanger their country but for the aid of one of those fortunate Acts which seem to be passed in order to be evaded,—Acts which only appear to prohibit conduct which they leave almost exactly as feasible as they found it.

Ir must be a pleasant sensation to the loyal hearts of Messrs. Laird, of Birkenhead, to know that they hold in their hands the means of plunging England into war; that by their scorn, if not for the letter, at least for the spirit of an English Act of Parliament, they may very likely force their monarch out of Whatever the view that we may take conthe attitude of neutrality which she and the cerning the course that Parliament should nation have chosen into one of virtual if not pursue concerning this law, few Englishmen express alliance with one of the belligerents. can doubt, after the experience of the present The two iron rams which they are now building year, that, to avoid these international traps in the Mersey upon" French account"-not, for neutral nations, we must look to one of of course, for the French Government, but for two alternatives-either the complete repeal some subject of France, who indulges, we sup- of our Foreign Enlistment Act, at least as pose, some little hope of finding a customer in regards the equipment of ships of war, or the Mr. Slidell or his Confederate masters,-are substitution of another Act which would turn tolerably certain to follow in the track of the a nominal measure, expressly calculated for Alabama and the Florida, and raise the cost evasion, into a reality. Something may be of insuring American merchantmen to an ab- said for either course. For the former it may solutely prohibitive rate; and, foolish as it be urged that a neutral government has no may seem, the probability is not much less kind of occasion to enforce the neutrality of that this result will be followed by a declara- its own subjects as private individuals. Neution of war, less against England than against trality in the government need mean only the state which has the responsibility of pro- that the public taxation, the resources of the tecting Mr. Laird and his dockyards. To in-state as such, are to be neutral,-that the volve a reluctant sovereign in war by evading nation as a whole does not regard it as either the obvious tendency of an English law will a matter of duty or interest to make a sacriplace Mr. Laird in a very distinguished posi- fice for either side. But this need not, of tion. His alliance will in future be in almost course, involve any veto on the private pargreater request than the alliance of England tialities of individuals. Rather it might seem itself, since the one is purchasable at a to forbid such a veto. The highest neutrality moderate rate, and may be made to draw the is indifferent not only as to which part is other along with it. Insane as it is in the taken, but as to whether a part is taken at American people to think of taking needless all. It may be impartial to forbid the allioffence with any powerful neutral on account ance with either party, as it would be imof the deficiencies of its municipal law, or partial to send an equal aid to both; but neueven its possible indisposition to amend those trality, properly speaking, is the state of mind. deficiencies, it is not always feasible to con- of a Gallio "caring for none of these things," trol the irritation of a shrewd and hasty pop- allowing any one to take side as he will, so ulace, and the United States Government long as he does not disturb the peace of his certainly is not the one to make the effort. fellow-countrymen. If this were to be naMr. Nassau Senior, in his admirable letter to tional "neutrality" for the future, at least Monday's Times, has said, what every one no ground of quarrel could arise as to its deffeels to be true, that the Confederates strain inition. Unless any military or naval aid every nerve to buy these ships out of their could be definitely traced to the government starved exchequer, far more for the sake of of any country, that country would be fulpromoting a rupture between England and filling strictly its duties as a neutral. If this the North, than for any direct good that this sense were given to our national neutrality, homoeopathic injury to the Northern com- Garibaldi expeditions, the equipment of Alamerce can effect for them. It is not every bamas and Floridas, recruiting for foreign belligerent who, in such circumstances, would countries, etc., would all be strictly lawful find patriots so subservient as Messrs. Laird for the subjects of a neutral nation. The

Irish might enlist openly for the North, it does so, in fact, only just far enough to emMessrs. Laird might build openly for the South, and neither course would be a transgression of any law. And such a state of the law would certainly put an end to a great deal of subterfuge, and enable private enthusiasts to devote themselves to any course they pleased without the necessity for disguises for their own government.

On the other hand, it will be said with great truth that such a state of the law would tend very materially to weaken the general power and responsibility of governments. Messrs. Rothschild might, if they chose, under such a state of the law, fit out both an army and a fleet for any small power-say among the South American republics-which they thought fit to strengthen, and, with such aid once accepted, could easily enforce their own terms upon their superiors. And, of course, if any combination of capitalists were thus permitted to play the game of the East India Company wherever and whenever they might please, the inevitable consequence would be that such private contingents would ofte, in fact, if not in form, declare war on their own account,—since in divided, countries a belligerent could always be found to take the nominal responsibility of the war. It is obvious that such a state of things would in many parts of the world reduce the formal government of a nation to a cipher, and in all parts of the world would sap the political importance of the actual government, divert from it a great deal of the respect and pride of the people, and generally lower the responsibility of political life. In short, we doubt whether any practical politician, looking to the grave results, could be found to advocate the abolition of all restrictions on the warlike inclination of the private members of neutral

states.

broil us in all sorts of knotty legal difficulties, without effectually prohibiting this sort of private military or naval enterprise. Now one great object of such a law is to keep the nation out of causeless quarrels, which an illdefined and easily evaded law only multiplies. It seems to us that nothing can be sillier than to leave room for such evasions of one of the great objects of the law as are now probably going on at Birkenhead, if we acknowledge it to be a useful law at all. With respect to recruiting for foreign service,—that is, fortunately, not susceptible of a commercial aspect at all, and there is, therefore, no room for evasion. Unfortunately, the building and equipment of a ship of war is a commercial operation which may be done for gain, and not from any political motive,—and, as the Foreign Enlistment Act at present stands, the commercial enterprise is legal if there be no more than a strong hope that one of the belligerents may buy the ship,-if she be not definitely built on account of one of them. Now, if the law is ever to have any practical form, it must go beyond this,-and expressly prohibit the equipment by any private person of a ship of war for any power without the express sanction of the Government. This would be an intelligible Act, requiring no spies and secret evidence to work it. Any ship-builder who was found arming a ship, or equipping her with anything exclusively wanted for war purposes, without Government sanction, would be liable to the penalties of the Act,-and that sanction would only be granted on satisfactory evidence of such a naval destination for the ship as the Government could explicitly approve.

The objection, of course, would be that commercial enterprise in ships of war is no more intrinsically objectionable than in small But this once granted,-that expeditions arms, while every needless restriction on the nominally neutral, whether by land or sea, scope of commercial enterprise is objectionare not to be fitted out in aid of any foreign able. We reply that the objection is far belligerent,—all the reasons that support this greater to commercial enterprise in ships of conclusion go with still greater force to sup- war than to commercial enterprise in small port the wider conclusion that neither should arms. The analogy to the enlistment of a recruiting for a foreign power be allowed on regiment is far greater. A ship of war built neutral soil, nor the equipment of ships of in a neutral port almost certainly will take war at all by private firms, without the ex- with her a neutral crew,-at all events, repress sanction of the government. We say tains much more permanent marks of her with still greater force, for while it is clear neutral origin,-identifies the neutral nation that the present law vaguely discourages pri- much more with the belligerent for whom she vate exertions in aid of foreign belligerents, is built than any gun can do. It is a kind

ought to substitute such a measure as we have indicated for this inefficient and vague Foreign Enlistment Act. Still more, if we expect to be again a belligerent, with powerful neutral seaboard powers watching us, it would be well for us to do so. With the measure we mete it shall be measured to us again; and we may be certain that say in a contest with France, America being neutral -- the Washington Government will never again stop the building of French Alabamas to sweep the Atlantic of our commerce, if we persist

of enterprise which makes it desirable and | and if we wish that neutrality to be real, we worth the enemy's while to watch very closely neutral ports, to try and catch the ship directly she leaves the neutral waters, and thus to risk an engagement between a quasi-neutral ship and one of the belligerents. Besides this, a great deal of finesse and political intrigue is required which could never be put into play about a cargo of rifles. A ship of war is a conspicuous power long identified, personally identified, so to say, with acts of violence; the Alabama is connected with the destruction of Federal commerce in a sense in which no gun that was ever manufactured in making our own Foreign Enlistment Act could be, and hence every reason which urges the neutral to appear as well as be neutral, militates in favor of a prohibition of enterprises such as these. No regiment raised in Great Britain could ever commit us more in the eyes of the world than did the building of the Alabama.

We hold, then, that if our policy is likely to be more and more neutral as years go on,

a cipher. That is, however, but a poor motive. Our main reason for asking for a change is that the present law directly encourages a sham neutrality," dodges" to seem neutral when we are not. If, as we wish, our Government is really to be responsible for our wars, we should give it the full right to restrain us from making war either by sea or land.

THE Astronomer-Royal reports to the visitors | of the Royal Observatory that the rate of the Westminster clock, which records itself at Greenwich daily by galvanic connection, " may be considered certain to much less than one second a week." The original stipulation was that it should not exceed a second a day; and some of the candidates for making the clock attempted to set aside this condition as impracticable. Mr. Airy's testimony to its accuracy is the more valuable, as he had retired in 1853 from the joint superintendence of the work on account of some differences with Mr. Denison, Q.C., who designed the clock and invented the "gravity escapement" for it, which has since been adopted in other large clocks. Most of the wheels are of cast-iron; the hands and their appendages weigh about a ton and a half, and the pendulum six hundred weight. The dials are twenty-two and onehalf feet wide, or four hundred feet in area each, and cost more than the clock itself. The cracked Big Ben still hangs in the tower, with a hole cut in its side, by which Dr. Percy investigated its real state, and reported it as "porous, unhomogeneous, unsound, and a defective casting."

In a report on Petroleum Gas, Mr. G. Bower, of Hunts, a gas contractor, states that it gives less heat than coal gas, costs much more, but gives a finer light, and is devoid of such noxious ingredients as sulphide of carbon, etc., with which coal gas is more or less contaminated.