"tariff law of 1828 and the amendment of the same in 1832" to be null and void and not binding upon the people of South Carolina. President Jackson's uncompromising stand for national unity left South Carolina little hope for success, and both sides agreed to a compromise tariff in 1833, introduced by Henry Clay. The outcome was a victory for the nationalists under Jackson, but a lowering of the tariff in favor of the south. The act of 1833 provided for a decrease of all duties exceeding 20 per cent in the tariff of 1832; this reduction was to be very gradual until 1842, when a sudden lowering was to create a uniform rate of 20 per cent on all articles. This 20-per-cent level remained in force only two months, however, from July until the passage of the more strongly protective tariff of 1842 in September. The tendency of the tariff rates from 1832 to the Civil War was downward, although the principle of protection was never relinquished. The panic of 1837 so depleted the income of the national government that the protectionists were successful in restoring the duties in 1842 almost to a level with those of 1832. Passed by the Whigs, this act was speedily repudiated when the Democrats came into power in 1845. The Walker tariff of 1846 classified imported commodities under schedules, A, B, C, D, etc. Luxuries were put into Class A and a tariff of 100 per cent imposed; semi-luxuries into Class B with a 40-per-cent tax; commercial products into the remaining classes, with duties varying from 30 down to 5 per cent. The Walker tariff changed the system from specific to ad valorem duties and introduced the warehousing system of storing goods until the duty was paid, an innovation permanently retained. The duties, while maintaining protection, were radically lowered by this tariff, and the tendency toward reduction was continued in 1857, when the free list was enlarged and a lowering of 5 per cent on the rates of the Walker tariff made. The reductions of 1857 were the result of a treasury full to overflowing from the immense expansion of business from 1846 to 1857. Undoubtedly the tariff legislation of the first seventy years of our history aided the growth of manufacturing and industry; it is equally true, however, that the emergence of the United States as an industrial nation was inevitable. The natural development was simply artificially stimulated by the various tariff measures, that is all. The virtual victory of the protectionists during this period in launching the nation on the road to a hightariff policy is interesting as the first victory of the industrial interests of the north over the slaveholders of the south, and a harbinger of eventual control after the Civil War. NOTES FOR FURTHER REFERENCE Hamilton's reports may be found in American State Papers, Finance, Vol. I. The most satisfactory book for the general student is that of D. R. Dewey, Financial History of the United States (5th ed., 1922), containing detailed bibliography. On currency see also A. B. Hepburn, History of Coinage and Currency in the United States (rev. ed., 1915); J. L. Laughlin, History of Bimetalism in the United States (4th ed., 1897); and David K. Watson, History of American Coinage (1899). On the national bank controversy there is an extended literature. In addition to the valuable accounts in many of the general histories, more detailed studies are to be found in Ralph C. H. Catterall, The Second Bank of the United States (1903); Charles A. Conant, History of Modern Banks of Issue (1896, rev. 1915); William G. Sumner, History of Banking in the United States (1896); William MacDonald, Jacksonian Democracy (1906), in The American Nation Series; and John S. Bassett, Life of Andrew Jackson, Vol. II (1911, rev. 1916, 1 vol.). For the tariff consult Percy W. L. Ashley, Modern Tariff History (3d ed., 1920); Edward Stanwood, American Tariff Controversies in the Nineteenth Century (1903); and F. W. Taussig, Tariff History of the United States (7th ed., 1923). SELECTED READINGS DEWEY, D. R., Financial History of the United States, Chaps. III-IX. Callender, G. S., Selections from the Economic History of the United States 1765-1860, Chaps. X, XI. BOGART, E. L., and THOMPSON, C. M., Readings in the Economic History of the United States, Chaps. X, XV. TAUSSIG, F. W., Selected Readings in International Trade and Tariff Policies, Part III, Chaps. XVII-XXI. CHAPTER XIV TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION TO 1860 Significance in American History. The ever westward movement of population and the rapid conquest of a continent have made the matter of transportation the most vital problem which has faced both government and people since our history began. As the first settlers along the seacoast were dependent upon ocean transportation with Europe to market their raw materials and obtain in return manufactured products, so later waves of advancing settlers were in like manner dependent upon rivers, roads, canals, and railways to dispose of their products. Especially was the question acute in an essentially agricultural community, as that of the United States before the Civil War, where commodities to be transported were likely to be bulky and in some cases perishable. Not only was the economic life of the new settlements dependent largely upon transportation, but their existence and location were in many cases determined by it. The first settlements were usually made upon good harbors, and the advance inland followed the numerous rivers which ran into the Atlantic and which provided the easiest facilities for transportation. As the best land was taken up along the rivers, the new settlers were forced to occupy the back country and to keep in touch with the rivers by crude roads. These roads quite often followed existing trails, for the paths of the deer and buffalo in their quest of water became the trails of the Indian hunters and the wagon roads and railroads of the white man. Where rivers met the ocean and formed good harbors, where one river ran into another or where trails connected with rivers, particularly at the head of navigation, there were the strategic points at which towns and cities sprang up. After 1850 railroad building went on so rapidly that railroads preceded the settlers and pointed, as did the rivers in earlier years, to inevitable routes. Gradual improvements in transportation weakened economic sectionalism and in turn political sectionalism. It takes no longer to travel to-day from Washington, D. C., to Portland, Oregon, than it did at the adoption of the Constitution to go between Boston and New York. Railroads bound together the east and west at the time of the Civil War, and have contributed much to the specialization of industry in certain sections and the mutual interdependence of economic groups and geographic sections. Colonial Transportation.-The first means of colonial travel by water was the crude log dugout or the Indian bark canoe. Later for heavy transportation flat and keel boats were in use, oftentimes equipped with temporary sails. Although communication was kept up between the different colonies during the colonial period chiefly by water, the Indian trails running between the three populous centers of the north-Boston, New York, and Philadelphia-provided a route for travelers on foot or horseback, and were commonly followed by 1683. Roads developed more slowly. As late as the Revolution there were only three roads north and east of New York and only one leading west. from Philadelphia. To the south two rude trails led across the mountains, one at Harper's Ferry and the other through the Cumberland Gap. In New England, where settlements were thicker, more progress had been made. The General Court of Massachusetts in 1639 ordered each town to construct a highway with the adjoining town, a command which produced several roads radiating from Boston. Road communication was established between Boston and Providence by 1654. From here the "Shore Road" connected Providence with the Connecticut settlements and New York. The overland route to Hartford led through Marlborough, Oxford, and Grafton. The roads of colonial New England followed roughly the present routes of the New York, New Haven, and Hartford Railroad. In the south the incomparable system of waterways, navigable during the entire year because of the mild climate, furnished the safest and best means of transportation and delayed the building of roads until the middle of the eighteenth century. What few roads existed at that time were of the most abominable type, constructed before the rudiments of modern road building were understood. Choked with mud in the spring, thick with dust in the summer, and heavy with snow in the winter, the overland routes were fraught with the most arduous labor and hardship, frequently by real danger. The risk was increased by the fact that until long after the Revolution there were no bridges over the principal rivers. Delay in effective road building is explained in many sections by the fact that the colonists depended chiefly upon natural waterways for their transportation, for waterways had controlled the location of settlement and travel by water was the simplest method. Other deterrents were the extreme cost of constructing roads. due to the scarcity of labor and capital in a new country and to the necessity of building through heavily wooded and sparsely settled communities. The slow development of the use of wheeled vehicles also delayed road building. The first wheeled conveyances to appear were a few private coaches made for use in the large towns in the last years of the seventeenth century. The first horse coaches appeared in Boston in 1687, where they were frowned upon as the works of the devil. While Philadelphia had some six or eight hundred houses in 1697, it boasted of only thirty carts and other wagons, while New York had fewer. In Connecticut there were no carriages until 1750 and a chaise at the time of the Revolution created a distinct sensation; in consequence, overland transportation of goods was carried on chiefly in the winter and on sleds. Under such circumstances it is not surprising that it was not until 1744 that the first coach and four began its trip in New England, and the first stage between New York and Philadelphia in 1756. Two days was the running time between Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and Boston, a distance of sixty miles, as it was also the fastest time made by coaches before the Revolution over the ninety miles between New York and Philadelphia. During the Revolution most of the stagecoaches professing to run with some degree of regularity ceased, but stage traveling was resumed at the end of the war. Forty miles a day in the summer and twenty-five in the winter was the average under the most auspi |