such apportionment had been referred to a committee of twenty-four, and their report having been referred to the Committee of the whole House, gave rise to much debate, both there and in the House. A variety of feelings and interests, both local and personal, were called into play on this topic of legislation. Thus, as the whole popula tion had increased since the last census somewhat more than a third, and some of the States had increased much less than one-third, such States must necessarily lose a part of their members, unless the whole number of members of the House of Representatives was increased. The House then was brought to the alternative of making a large addition to the number of members, or of reducing the delegations of some of the States. All the members of such States were opposed to such reduction, as offensive to State pride, in affording evidence of their inferior advancement; and some of the members were no doubt influenced by the fear that, in this reduction of members, their own districts might be annihilated. Others, having no feelings on the subject, either as it concerned their State or themselves, were opposed to a numerous legislative body, as unfavorable to wise deliberation; and with some, the difference of expense between a large and small representation was deemed of importance, or, at any rate, as presenting an occasion to them of testifying their disposition to save the public money.

Some also, in fixing the numbers required to give a State a Representative, were led to prefer that number which would leave the smallest fraction to their State; so that, in this way, the contest for political power mingled in the question. When so many feelings and combinations exerted an influence on the question, it is not surprising that the controversy was both warm and ob

1822.]

NEW APPORTIONMENT.

323

stinate, and that it was found practically difficult to reconcile such a variety of jarring interests.

Thus, on the question' of adopting forty-two thousand as the requisite population for choosing a member, it was rejected by eighty-eight votes to eighty-three.

2

Subsequently, the motion in favor of forty-five thousand, by Mr. Taylor, of New York, was rejected by one hundred and eighteen votes to sixty-one. On thirty-nine thousand, the vote was one hundred and twenty nays to fifty-six yeas. Mr. Randolph then moved thirty thousand, when the House adjourned.

The next day, this proposition was negatived; when Mr. Condit, of New Jersey, proposed thirty-seven thousand, which was also rejected. Mr. Campbell, of Ohio, proposed forty-one thousand, which was rejected by one hundred and twenty-six votes to forty-nine. Mr. Nelson, of Maryland, proposed thirty-five thousand, which was rejected. Mr. Farrelly, of Pennsylvania, proposed thirtyeight thousand, which was also negatived by one hundred and twenty-six votes to fifty.

On the first of February, there was a variety of motions to recommit the bill, with instructions, and proposed amendments to such instructions, when the proposition of Mr. Johnston, of Louisiana, of forty-one thousand five hundred, was negatived by one hundred and fourteen votes to sixty-four. The proposition, by Mr. Randolph, to strike out forty from the bill was negatived by one hundred and twelve votes to sixty-four.

On the second of February, the proposition by Mr. Edwards, of North Carolina, to recommit the bill, with instructions to insert forty-two thousand, was negatived by one hundred votes to seventy-six. Mr. Randolph then moved to insert thirty-eight thousand, which was nega January 30th.

'January 28th.

2

tived by one hundred and eleven votes to sixty-three. Several other propositions were, in like manner, rejected, but without a count. Mr. Condit proposed that the apportionment should be so modified, as not to diminish the number of Representatives from any one State, which was rejected by a large majority; as were also several propositions of numbers varying from forty-two thousand to thirty-seven thousand five hundred. The motion simply to recommit the bill, was rejected by eighty-seven votes to eighty-five.

On the sixth of February, Mr. Tod, of Pennsylvania, moved to substitute fifty thousand; to which an amendment to insert forty-two thousand was proposed, which was rejected by one hundred and six votes to fifty-eight; when Mr. Tod modified his proposition, by substituting forty-four thousand, which, as well as forty-five thousand, were rejected. But the House still refused to recommit the bill, by ninety-nine votes to sixty-three.

The same course of proposing amendments, which were successively rejected, then took place; and on the question of the passage of the bill as reported, it was carried by one hundred votes to fifty-eight.

But this vexed question did not terminate here. The Senate sent back the bill with an amendment, that Alabama-where the returns were incomplete, from the death of the Marshal, should be entitled to three Representatives, if it should appear that her population entitled her to that number.

The Judiciary Committee, to whom the question was referred, opposed this amendment; but it finally prevailed by ninety-eight members to forty-seven; and thus the number of forty thousand was adopted.

It should be recollected that eleven of the States had no interest in this question, except what might casually

1822.]

CESSATION OF PARTY SPIRIT.

325

arise from the difference of fractions over their regular quotas, in a larger or smaller number, as their increase. had exceeded the increase of the total population. These were all the Western States, and New York. All the others, by way of preventing a diminution of their members in the House, would be inclined to vote against any increase in the requisite number of people beyond their own increase. By this new apportionment, Virginia, Connecticut, Vermont, and Delaware lost a member; and the whole number of members was increased from one hundred and eighty-three members to two hundred and thirteen.

་

Let us now pause to attend to the state of political parties in the nation.

For some time past there had been a cessation of party spirit, such as had not existed since the adoption of the Federal Constitution. The Federalists finding themselves every where in the minority, except in one or two of the New England States, had ceased their systematic opposition to the measures of the Government; and, knowing their relative weakness, appeared to wish to be forgotten as an organized party. Even in New England, the party was identified with the Hartford Convention, and partook of the general odium which attended that body. It had also seemed to be Mr. Monroe's policy to encourage this political calm, and he avoided every opportunity of reviving or cherishing party feelings.

But the time now approached, when men would naturally cast their eyes about for the purpose of selecting a candidate for the Presidency, and in no long time there appeared before the public several individuals who were likely to receive popular support for that office; and thus new parties were gradually formed, who did not differ professedly on the principles of Government, but only on

their personal predilections for the individual whom they should select for the office of Chief Magistrate.

The most conspicuous individuals thus looked to were the following:

De Witt Clinton, of New York. He had opposed Mr. Monroe. He ranked high in his own State for his public services, and his talents; and it was thought that New York, the most populous State in the Union, had high claims to give a President to the country. But inasmuch as he had shown himself, lately, to be unfriendly to the Administration, whose supporters were a majority in the Legislature, and in the State at large, he seemed to have no probable chance of success.

Mr. Adams, Secretary of State, had a strong support. His talents were undisputed. He had a long course of experience as a statesman and diplomatist; and his abandonment of the Federalists, when he thought them disposed to sacrifice the interests of the country at the shrine of party, was considered to give him strong claims on the Republicans. The natives of New England, diffused over the whole United States, were disposed to press his claims, from a feeling of local pride, which is, at least, as strong there as in any section of the Union. He, however, did not possess those personal qualities which are fitted to win popular favor. He was cold, reserved, formal, and rather ungainly in his manner and address.

Mr. Clay was also regarded as a prominent candidate. He was distinguished for those personal qualities which Mr. Adams wanted. Open, free, of easy access, frank, and good-humored, he was especially a favorite with the members of the House of Representatives, whose occasional disorder and waywardness he had, in the character of Speaker, effectually controlled. The Western States