tory doctrine, in other words, that the few have no rights, and are entitled to no benefits of government, that their millions in store as the fruits of their industry, their providential care, and bountiful thrift, is the rightful property of the worthless vagabonds, paupers, and vagrants of the land, if they should happen to outnumber the more worthy portions of society-thus holding out a reward to worthlessness, and a punishment to merit.

With these qualifying preliminaries, the reader will, I hope, peruse to advantage, the following extract from the Baltimore Merchant, of the 19th of June last, as it justly applies to many other prominent actors in the present political drama, whose names are not there mentioned:

"GLIMPSES OF REAL CHARACTER.-Mr. Jefferson who knew mankind well, always believed that the leading federalists were MONARCHISTS in disguise. This he often declared, and not without reason. After the signal defeat of that party, though the vigilance of others was suspended, he always kept his eye upon them, and observed all their windings and turnings. In his letter to Lafayette, a short time before his death, he speaks of them as being still a strong party, and more dangerous, because they had CHANGED THEIR NAME. He doubtless foresaw their policy would be to attack the constitution under the more popular title of DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICANS. Their old leader, Mr. John Adams, in his letters to Cunningham, recommended them to change their name, and MINGLE WITH THE REPUBLICANS. The election of Gen. Jackson furnished them with the occasion and they availed themselves of the counsel. They changed their NAME and mingled with the Republican party, the members of which they very soon succeeded in driving out of the administration. They then took entire possession of the government, and all have witnessed the consequences. The government tended immediately to MONARCHY, and has become one, in all save the written FORMS. They have left the PARCHMENT only.

The declaration of some of these new disciples of democracy in past times, are striking enough. Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, while he acted in his true character, declared that 'IF HE HAD A DROP OF DEMOCRATIC BLOOD IN HIS VEINS, HE WOULD LET IT OUT.' He put this royal declaration on paper, and it has risen up in judgment against him. But this is nothing to the super-royal averments of Mr. C. J. Ingersoll, a flaming disorganizer and DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN, and at present a candidate for Congress and a leader of the Royalists in Pennsylvania. The last Philadelphia paper brings us the following account of him. Such are the men who have controlled the federal government for years past.

That party not only in this State, but through its official organ, the 'Globe,' holds up C. J. Ingersoll, Esq. as a perfect sample of their principles and politics. His sentiments, with regard to political duties and feelings, are their sentiments and feelings. Nay, more-he is the candidate for Congress of that party in the hot bed of their party, the third Congressional district, in the county of Philadelphia. If we can, therefore, ascertain whether his sentiments are those of a Tory, the question will be settled as to the whole party.

Fortunately we are left in no doubt on that point. We have his principles proclaimed over his own signature, as early as 1807; and up to this day, as far as we can learn, they are the only principles which he has never deserted.

In the Democratic Press of Friday, June 5th, 1807, the following paragraph was published.

"A WOULD-HAVE-BEEN TORY.-One of Governor McKean's officers who supplanted a democrat, and who officiates in the Orphans' court, was heard to say, the other day, that had HE been a man during the American Revolution HE would have been a TORY-that every man of HONOUR was a TORY during that time.”

The Tory referred to, knowing who was meant, addressed a letter to the editor of that paper, which was published on Monday, June 8, 1807, from which the following extracts are taken. The whole letter will be re-published, if desired.

'MR. BINNS-Some days ago, on my way to the Sheriff's office, where I had occasion to call, I found that gentleman and Judge Jonathan Smith on the area in front of the state-house; after despatching my professional arrangements with the sheriff, we talked politics, as we are in the habit of doing often, and with perfect good humour. Mr. Smith remained entirely neutral. General Barker was, I thought, unusually animated in reprobation of Tories, upon which I said, as you have published, that had I been a man during the Revolution I SHOULD HAVE BEEN A TORY-that many of the best men in the country were so then.

*

I endeavour to molest no body with my political sentiments, though I disdain to disguise them, however heretical they may sound at this time of the tide. If I had been capable of reason and reflection when the American colonies took up arms against the mother country, I SHOULD HAVE BEEN A TORY-NOR CAN I EVER CONSIDER THAT AN APPELLATION OF REPROACH.'

So much for this DEMOCRAT. The Virginia public will now be at no loss to understand why this gentleman is so great a favourite with T. Ritchie, and why the Richmond Enquirer has been so zealous in its support of the administration for some years past.'

About the same time that the above made its appearance, and before the conspiracy to which the following relates, was blown to the public, the editor of the Merchant made this solemn annunciation:

"That they (the Executive functionaries in this city) are keeping up an active correspondence with leading demagogues in Philadelphia and elsewhere, we all know ; and that there are secret organizations of men in more places than Philadelphia is highly probable. It is no difficult matter to create a pretext for the employment of military forces thus organized. The supremacy of the laws' means as every man knows, obedience to the orders issued, from time to time, by the Executive. Resistance to these orders is resistance to the 'LAWS,' as has been intimated on more than one occasion in the last few weeks. Our security is in constant vigilance. It will not do to trust these men. Our eyes must be constantly upon them; for the past gives us full assurance of what we may expect in the future. Depend upon it, as their fortunes grow desperate, their efforts to redeem them will be desperate. They are capable of attempting any thing.'

No man is better skilled in the late Executive tactics than General Green, who was, for some time, their chosen official organ of the press. But whoever should be disposed to question the correctness of his inspirations, or his insight into the tactics of the heir and imitator, will abandon his doubts when subsequent developments have established their truth. And to satisfy himself of that, the reader may now turn forward to the POSTSCRIPT, or go regularly on, through the first part of the political panorama I have endeavoured, in faint outline, to sketch before him, till he reaches it, and there, recognizes this beginning of the circle. One other subject must be noticed here. I have stated in a note, page 14, in relation to the circular of the paymaster-general to disbursing officers-that it is considered at the treasury department as a bureau arrangement of the paymaster-general's department.' The following extract from Mr. Biddle's letter of the 10th of December last, to the

Hon. J. Q. Adams, indicating some mistake in the above-mentioned statement, I am induced here to advert to it, to say, that it is verbatim what was said to me by the chief clerk and occasionally acting secretary of the treasury department, as late as October last. The obvious reflection is, that as the chief clerk of the department is necessarily supposed to be acquainted with the immediate transactions of the secretary's office, the hypothecated comment with which I concluded that note, comes to be true, without impugning Mr. Young's sincerity in the least.

'III. During these movements it became important to understand distinctly the course of the government. In my letter to you of the 6th of April last, I stated my 'conviction that there could be no safe or permanent resumption of specie payments by the banks until the policy of the government towards them was changed.' This change was soon and happily made. On the 30th of May, the specie circular, requiring payments in coin in the land offices, was repealed by congress. On the 25th of June, the bill called the sub-treasury, requiring coin in all payments to the government, was negatived. In the month of July, the government agreed to receive an anticipated payment of the bonds of the bank to the amount of between four and five millions of dollars in a credit to the treasurer on the books of the bank—and ARRANGE

MENTS WERE MADE FOR THE MORE DISTANT PUBLIC DISBURSEMENTS IN THE

NOTES OF THE BANK. These arrangements, as honourable to the Executive officers, as they were beneficial to the public services, BROUGHT THE GOVERNMENT into efficient co-operation for the re-establishment of the currency, and opened the way to a resumption of specie payments. The resumption accordingly took place throughout the middle states, on the 13th of August, and in many of the southern and western states soon after.'

All commentary upon this development, will be superseded by the hearty congratulations with which the intelligent and business community will be disposed to greet the secretary of the treasury upon these symptoms of returning reason, though he seems to have been ashamed to avow it, in his late financial report to Congress.

WASHINGTON, January 1st, 1839.

TO THE

AMERICAN PEOPLE.

A DEDICATION.

ESTEEMING you as a confederated and fraternal community within the purview of your social compact, influenced by no sectional or party considerations, and acknowledging the control or the vassalage of no political aspirant-but enjoying a bond of alliance cemented by the assimilation of political creeds, institutions, and pursuits, which are daily elaborating the endearing products of the general welfare, and actuating you more and more to a laudable love of your whole country, in whose national destinies not only are your individual interests and those of your posterity to the latest generation especially identified, but also the dearest hopes of the advocates of freedom throughout the world—to your grave deliberations I take the liberty of inscribing the matters and specifications of the ensuing volume-which, in all their material bearings are the rightful and exclusive concernments of the whole people, however frequently agitated, usurped, perverted, and misapplied, to subserve merely sectional, individual, or party purposes.

Upon their due consideration, you will probably be more inclined to 'estimate the value of the union,' to which you have been so frequently challenged of late years; to estimate it, however, not in the light sense of taunt and defiance because it is so secure, so guarded, so sacred, that it is in no danger; but on the contrary, with fear and trembling, because it is so insecure, so unguarded, so profaned, as to be reduced to the most imminent

danger!-and danger alone, enables us to place a true and proper estimate upon the most precious treasure in our gift, while, without a deep and sincere conviction of that danger, we hardly know how to lay any value on it at all.

In these portentous and perilous times, it may be useful for you to bear in mind, that 'self-preservation' is the great and paramount law of nature, which no alienation of natural rights, in framing the sum total of social compacts, ever infringes-which no civil institution, however prone to encroachments upon all reservations, ever disparages. This law, though the emanation of natural reason for individual protection in a state of nature, is found to be transferable and strictly applicable to communities in their social intercourse, and hence it has become also a fundamental international law, not conventional indeed, but universally recognized, as a matter of course, by force of natural reason. National communities, crowded together in geographical propinquity, have nevertheless found it necessary, in order to insure the observance of this law, to throw around it the guards of conventional laws, checks, guaranties, and treaties, constituting what is well known among European States, as the 'balance of power'-being among them the true conservative, effective, auxiliary of the 'natural law of self-preservation.' But in your case, on account of your remoteness of situation from the liabilities to foreign interference, you have little or no concern with the balance of power between nations, as an auxiliary to this conservative law. Yet this exemption does not secure you against the wiles of the destroying demon. If you have no foreign enemy, singly, or combined by cupidity or envy, to make you afraid, you have hundreds and thousands of insidious foes, who make up in numbers and artifice their deficiencies of physical strength; whose internal location amongst you, whose ramifications, interminglings, and seeming participations in all your concerns, give them incalculably more power to work mischief and destruction to your institutions, than can justly be apprehended from the most formidable array of foreign states.

You already anticipate me, and will, I have no doubt, heave a deep sigh of assent to the truth of the annunciation, when I tell you who they are. When I tell you they are your own chosen servants, affianced to your interests and to their duties, first by