It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, peace-but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death! (Speech at the Richmond Convention, March 23, 1775.)

HEPWORTH, GEORGE H.

IV, 320. There is a winter for you and me, and when we approach the end of life's February do we not catch a glimpse of the spring which looms up on the horizon? Old age? Yes, we are dull, but the soul is still young and awaits with eager anticipation the springtime of our immortality. The February of life brings us to the valley that is just this side of the new Jerusalem. (Contributed.)

HIGGINSON, JOHN.

VIII, 115.

My Fathers and Brethren, this is never to be forgotten, that New England is originally a plantation of Religion, not a plantation of Trade. Let Merchants and such as are increasing Cent per Cent remember this. Let others that have come over since at several times understand this, that worldly gain was not the end and design of the people of New England, but Religion. And if any amongst us make Religion as twelve, and the world as thirteen, let such an one know that he hath neither the spirit of a true New England man, nor yet of a sincere Christian.

HILL, BENJAMIN HARVEY,

X, 194.

I plant myself on the inflexible laws of human nature, and the unvarying teachings of human experience, and warn you this day that no government half as great as this Union can be dismembered and in passion except through blood. You had as well expect the fierce lightning to rend the air and wake no thunder in its track as to expect peace to follow the throes of dissolving government. I pass by the puerile taunts at my devotion to the best interests of the people among whom I was born and reared, and trust my vindication to the realities of the future, which I deprecate and would avert, and again tell you that dissolve this Union and war will come. I do not say it ought to come. I cannot tell when, nor how, nor between whom it will come; but it will come, and it will be to you a most unequal, fierce, vindictive, and desolating war.

HOAR, GEORGE FRISBIE.

-

I, 453.

Through the vast spaces of human history there have resounded but a few heroic strains. Unless the judgment of those writers who have best conceived and pictured heroism Milton, Burke, Carlyle, Froude be at fault, among these there has been none loftier than the Puritanism of New England. The impress which a man makes upon mankind depends upon what he believes, what he loves, what are his qualities of intellect and of temper. You must consider all these to form a just estimate of the great generations with which we are dealing. The Puritan loved liberty, religious and civil; he loved home and family and friends and country with a love never surpassed, and he loved God. He did not love pleasure or luxury or mirth. He dwelt with the delight of

beyond the grave. His intellect was fit for exact ethical discussion, clear in seeing general truths, active, unresting, fond of inquiry and debate, but penetrated and restrained by a shrewd common sense. He saw with absolute clearness the true boundary which separates liberty and authority in the state. He had a genius for making constitutions and statutes. He had a tenacity of purpose, a lofty and inflexible courage, an unbending will, which never quailed or flinched before human antagonist, or before exile, torture, or death. The Puritan was a thorough gentleman, of dignified, noble, stately bearing, as becomes men who bear weighty responsibilities, deal with the greatest interests, and meditate on the loftiest themes. Read John Winthrop's definition of civil liberty or his reasons for settling in New England, and judge of the temper of those men, who, of free choice, made him twelve times their governor.

The Puritan believed that the law of God is the rule of life for states as for men. He believed in the independence of the individual conscience and in self-government according to the precedents of English liberty, because he believed that both were according to the will of God. "It is the glory of the British Constitution," said Samuel Adams, "that it hath its foundation in the law of God." "The magistrate is the servant," said John Adams, "not of his own desires, not even of the people, but of his God." He derived the knowledge of that will from a literal interpretation of Scripture, which he thought fur nished precepts or examples for every occasion. (Oration on the presentation of the statues of John Winthrop and Samuel Adams to the United States, Dec. 13, 1876.)

HOOKER, THOMAS.

VI, 497.

Doctrine I. That the choice of public magistrates belongs unto the people by God's own allowance.

II. The privilege of election, which also belongs to the people, therefore must not be exercised according to their humors, but according to the blessed will and law of God.

III. They who have the power to appoint officers and magistrates, it is their power also to set the bounds and limitations of the power and place unto which they call them.

Reasons: 1. Because the foundation of authority is laid firstly in the free consent of the people. 2. Because, by a free choice, the hearts of the people will be more inclined to the love of the persons [chosen] and more ready to yield [obedience]. 3. Because of that duty and engagement of the people. (From his lecture before the General Court of Connecticut, May 31, 1638. The germ of "the first written constitution known to history that created a government ")

patible with any kind of government. This appears to be the most rational account of its beginning, although, it must be confessed, mankind have by no means been agreed about it; some have put its origin in the divine appointment; others have thought it took its rise from power; enthusiasts have dreamed that dominion was founded in grace. Leaving these points to be settled by the descendants of Filmer, Cromwell, and Venner, we shall endeavor to find the measure of the magistrates' power and the people's

obedience.

This glorious constitution, the best that ever existed among men, will be confessed by all to be founded on compact, and established by consent of the people. By this most beneficent compact, British subjects are to be governed only agreeably to laws to which themselves have in some way consented, and are not to be compelled to part with their property, but as it is called for by the authority of such laws. The former is the liberty; the latter is to be really possessed of property, and to have something that may be called one's own.

On the contrary, those who are governed at the will of another, or others, and whose property may be taken from them by taxes, or otherwise, without their own consent, or against their will, are in a miserable condition of slavery; "for," says Algernon Sidney, in his discourse on government, liberty solely consists in the independency of a will of another; and by name of slave we understand a man who can neither dispose of his person or property, and enjoys all at the will of his master." These things premised, whether the British-American colonies on this continent are justly entitled to like privileges and freedoms as their fellow-subjects in Great Britain are, is a point worthy mature examination. In discussing this question we shall make the colonies of New England, with whose rights we are best acquainted, the rule of our reasoning; not in the least doubting all the others are justly entitled to like rights with them. (From a pamphlet dated July 30, 1764.)

I never avoided responsibility. I have periled some little in the protection of American citizens, and if I, myself an American citizen, have periled life and blood to protect the hearths of my fellowcitizens, they little know me who would imagine that I would flee from the charge of crime that was imputed to me. At all events, they will learn that for once I have not proved recreant. I have not eschewed responsibility—I have not sought refuge in flight. Never, never shall that brand attach itself to my name! Would it not have been strange that I should seek to dishonor my country through her representatives, when I have ever been found ready, at her call, to vindicate the wrongs inflicted upon her in collective capacity, or upon her citizens in their personal rights, and to resent my own personal wrongs? Whatever gentlemen may have imagined, so long as that proud emblem of my country's liberties, with its stripes and its stars (pointing to the flag) shall wave in this hall of American legislators, so long shall it cast its sacred protection over the personal rights of every American citizen. Sir, when you shall have destroyed the pride of American character, you will have destroyed the brightest jewel that heaven ever made. You will have drained the purest and the holiest drop which visits the heart of your sages in council, and your heroes in the field. You will have annihilated the

nation's glory, and elevate that emblem above your own exalted seat. These massy columns, with yonder lofty dome, shall sink into one crumbling ruin. Yes, sir, though corruption may have done something, and money may have added her seductive powers in endangering the perpetuity of our nation's fair fame. it is these privileges which still induce every American citizen to cling to the institutions of his country, and to look to the assembled representatives of his native land as their best and only safeguard.

But, sir, so long as that flag shall bear aloft its glittering stars - bearing them amidst the din of battle, and waving them triumphantly above the storms of the ocean, so long, I trust, shall the rights of American citizens be preserved safe and unimpaired, and transmitted as a sacred legacy from one generation to another, till discord shall wreck the spheres, the grand march of time shall cease, and not one fragment of all creation be left to chafe on the bosom of eternity's waves. (From his celebrated defense before the bar of the House of Representatives, May 7, 1832, after being arrested for assaulting Congressman Stanberry of Ohio.)

It is wonderful what Tolstoy has done. He could do no more. For a nobleman, with the most aristocratic ancestry, to refuse to be supported in idleness, to insist upon working with his own hands, and to share as much as possible the hardship and toil of a peasant class, which, but recently, was a slave class, is the greatest thing he could do. But it is impossible for him to share their poverty, for poverty is not the lack of things; it is the fear and the dread of want.

telegraph message could reach him. The President must secure his co-operation, and quickly. What to do!

Some one said to the President, "There's a fellow by the name of Rowan will find Garcia for you, if anybody can."

Rowan was sent for and given a letter to be delivered to Garcia. How the fellow by the name of Rowan" took the letter, sealed it up m an oil-skin pouch, strapped it over his heart, in four days landed by night off the coast of Cuba from an open boat, disappeared into the jungle, and in three weeks came out on the other side of the island, having traversed a hostile country on foot, and delivered his letter to Garcia, are things I have no special desire now to tell in detail.

The point I wish to make is this: McKinley gave Rowan a letter to be delivered to Garcia. Rowan took the letter and did not ask, "Where is he at?" By the Eternal! there is a man whose form should be cast in deathless bronze and the statue placed in every college of the land. It is not book learning young men need, nor instructions about this and that, but a stiffening of the vertebrae which will cause them to be loyal to a trust, to act promptly, concentrate their energies; do the thing-"Carry a message to Garcia."

General Garcia is dead now, but there are other

We have recently been hearing much maudlin sympathy expressed for the "down-trodden denizen of the sweat-shop," and the "homeless wanderer searching for honest employment," and with it all often goes many hard words for the men in power.

Nothing is said about the employer who grows old before his time in a vain attempt to get frowsy ne'er-do-wells to do intelligent work; and Is long, patient striving with "help" that does nothing but loaf when his back is turned. In every store and factory there is a constant weeding-out process going on. The employer is constantly sending away "help" that have shown their incapacity to further the interests of the business, and others are being taken on. No matter how good times are, this sorting continues, only if times are hard and work is scarce, the sorting is done finer - but out and forever out, the incompetent and unworthy go. It is the survival of the fittest. Self-interest prompts every employer to keep the best- - those who can carry a message to Garcia.

My heart goes out to the man who does his work when the boss is away, as well as when he is at home. And the man who, when given a letter for Garcia, quietly takes the missive, with out asking any idiotic questions, and with no lurking intention of chucking it into the nearest sewer, or of doing aught else but deliver it, never gets "laid off," nor has to go on a strike for higher wages. Civilization is one long search for just such individuals. Anything such a man asks shall be granted; his kind is so rare that no employer can afford to let him go. He is wanted in every city, town and village in every office, shop, store and factory. The world cries out for such; he is needed, and needed badly - the man who can carry a message to Garcia. (From "A Message to Garcia," in the Philistine magazine for March, 1899.)

INGALLS, JOHN JAMES.

VIII, 415.

Every man is the centre of a circle whose fatal circumference he cannot pass. Within its narrow confines he is potential, beyond it he perishes; and if immortality is a splendid but delusive dream, if the incompleteness of every career, even the longest and most fortunate, be not supplemented and perfected after its termination here, then he who dreads to die should fear to live, for life is a tragedy more desolate and inexplicable than death. (From his speech in the Senate, Jan. 25, 1883, on the death of Benjamin H. Hill.)

INGERSOLL, ROBERT G.

IX, 255.

Life is a narrow vale between the cold and barren peaks of two eternities. We strive in vain to look beyond the heights. We cry aloud, and the only answer is the echo of our wailing cry. From the voiceless lips of the unreplying dead, there comes no word; but in the night of death hope sees a star, and listening love can hear the rustle of the wing.

He who sleeps here, when dying, mistaking the approach of death for the return of health, whispered with his latest breath: "I am better now." Let us believe, in spite of doubts and dogmas, of fears and tears, that these dear words are true of all the countless dead. (At the grave of his brother, Elton C. Ingersoll, June 3, 1879)

IRELAND, JOHN, ARCHBISHOP.

IX, 226.

Wealth and rank, the favors of court and king, high distinction in the service of his own country, the endearments of his own child — all that ambition could covet or opportunity promise, the youth

his lot with a far-off people battling against fearful odds and that at a moment when their fortunes were at their lowest ebb, and hope had wellnigh abandoned their standard. When the agent of America in France sadly confessed that he was even unable to furnish a ship to carry him and other volunteers, Lafayette said: "I will buy a ship and take you men with me."

By his magnanimity of soul, and by his grace of manner, not less than by his military prowess, he won all hearts and became the idol of the Ameri

can army. He proved himself to the inmost fibre of his soul an American, as proud of America as the proudest of her patriots, the champion before all contestants of her honor and her fair name. More cheerfully even than his American companions in arms he bore the terrible hardships of the war; again and again he pledged his personal fortune to buy food and clothing for his men, who knew him by the familiar appellation of "The Marquis, the soldiers' friend." In camp and in battle his influence was boundless; a word of cheer from his lips roused the drooping spirits of his soldiers; a word of command sent them headlong against the enemy. A visitor to the American camp, the Marquis de Chastellux, could not help remarking that Lafayette was never spoken of without manifest tokens of attachment and affection.

But much as Lafayette deserves and receives our love and honor in return for his personal services in the cause of America, his chief title to the gratitude of our people is that his heroic figure ever looms up before their entranced fancy as the symbol of the magnanimity which France as a nation displayed towards our country in her laborious struggle for life and liberty. The value of the aid given to us by France in our war for independence is inestimable. The joy which the memory of it awakens in our souls is that which comes to us through the consciousness of our national life itself. France stood first sponsor for our nationhood. We entered into the great family of nations leaning on her arm, radiant with the reflection of her historic splendor, and strong in the protection of her titanic stature. When Franklin stood in the palace of Versailles, the acknowledged envoy of America, and Gerard de Reyneval, as the minister of France, saluted the Congress of America at Philadelphia, the young republic thrilled with new life and leaped at once into a full sense of security and a true consciousness of her dignity.

Let historians relate as they will that the King and minister of France saw in the revolt of the American colonies, and in the assistance that might be given them, an opportunity for France to avenge the humiliation of the treaty of 1763. It is not for us to demand that statesmen become for our sake oblivious of the interests of their own country. What America knows, what she will never fail to know, is that King and ministers of France gave us the aid through which we won our independence, that they gave it to us in warmest friendliness and with most chivalrous generosity, and that in giving to us such aid they were applauded by the noble-hearted people of France, who loved America and encouraged the alliance of their country with her, because of the great principles which linked with the triumph or the defeat of the new republic of the West. (From his oration at the unveiling of the statue of Lafayette, July 4, 1900.)

IRVING, WASHINGTON.

were

III, 17.

The intercourse between the author and his

Contemplate the condition of that country of which you still form an important part. Consider its government, uniting in one bond of common interest and general protection so many different States - giving to all their inhabitants the proud title of American citizens, protecting their commerce, securing their literature and their arts; facilitating their intercommunication; defending their frontiers; and making their name respected in the remotest parts of the earth. Consider the extent of its territory; its increasing and happy population; its advance in arts which render life agreeable; and the sciences which elevate the mind! See education spreading the lights of religion, morality, and general information into every cottage in this wide extent of our Territories and States! Behold it as the asylum where the wretched and the oppressed find a refuge and support! Look on this picture of happiness and honor, and say, we, too, are citizens of America! Carolina is one of these proud States; her arms have defended, her best blood has cemented, this happy Union! And then add, if you can, without horror and remorse, this happy Union we will dissolve; this picture of peace and prosperity we will deface; this free intercourse we will interrupt; these fertile fields we will deluge with blood; the protection of that glorious flag we renounce; the very name of Americans we discard. And for what, mistaken men; for what do you throw away these inestimable blessings? For what would you exchange your share in the advantages and honor of the Union? For the dream of separate independence- - a dream interrupted by bloody conflicts with your neighbors, and a vile dependence on a foreign power. If your leaders could succeed in establishing a separation, what would be your situation? Are you united at home; are you free from the apprehension of civil discord, with all its fearful consequences? Do your neighboring republics, every day suffering some new revolution, or contending with some new insurrection — do they excite your envy? But the dictates of a high duty oblige me solemnly to announce that you cannot succeed. The laws of the United States must be executed. I have no discretionary power on the subject; my duty is emphatically pronounced in the Constitution. Those who told you that you might peaceably prevent their execution deceived you; they could not have been deceived themselves. They know that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execution of the laws, and they know that such opposition must be repelled. Their object is disunion; but be not deceived by names: disunion, by armed force, is treason. Are you really ready to incur its guilt? If you are, on the heads of the instigators of the act be the dreadful consequences; on their heads be the dishonor. but on yours may fall the punishment. On your unhappy State will inevitably fall all the evils of the conflict you force upon the government of your country. It cannot accede to the mad project of disunion, of which you would be the first victims: its first magistrate cannot, if he would, avoid the performance of his duty. The consequences must be fearful for you, distressing to your fellow-citizens here, and to the friends of good government throughout the world. Its enemies have beheld our prosperity with a vexation they could not conceal: it was a standing refutation of their slavish doctrines, and they will

point to our discord with the triumph of malignant joy. It is yet in your power to disappoint them. There is yet time to show that the descendants of the Pinckneys, the Sumters, the Rutledges, and of the thousand other names which adorn the pages of your Revolutionary history, will not abandon that Union, to support which so many of them fought, and bled, and died.

I adjure you, as you honor their memory, as you love the cause of freedom, to which they dedicated their lives, as you prize the peace of your country, the lives of its best citizens, and your own fair fame, to retrace your steps. Snatch from the archives of your State the disorganizing edict of its convention; bid its members to reassemble and promulgate the decided expressions of your will to remain in the path which alone can conduct you to safety, prosperity, and honor. Tell them that, compared to disunion, all other evils are light, because that brings with it an accumulation of all. Declare that you will never take the field unless the star-spangled banner of your country shall float over you; that you will not be stigmatized when dead. and dishonored and scorned while you live, as the authors of the first attack on the Constitution of your country. destroyers you cannot be. You may disturb its peace; you may interrupt the course of its prosperity; you may cloud its reputation for stability, but its tranquillity will be restored, its prosperity will return, and the stain upon its national character will be transferred and remain an eternal blot on the memory of those who caused the disorder. (From his proclamation against nullification, Sept. 19, 1832.) JACKSON, THOMAS J.

Its

IV, 125.

When a nation led to greatness by the hand of liberty, and possessed of all the glory that heroism, munificence, and humanity can bestow, descends to the ungrateful task of forging chains for her friends and children, and instead of giving support to freedom, turns advocate for slavery and oppression, there is reason to suspect she has either ceased to be virtuous or been extremely negligent in the appointment of her rulers.

In almost every age, in repeated conflicts in long and bloody wars, as well civil as foreign, against many and powerful nations. against the open assaults of enemies, and the more dangerous treachery of friends, have the inhabitants of your island, your great and glorious ancestors, maintained their independence and transmitted the rights of men and the blessings of liberty to you, their posterity.

Be not surprised, therefore, that we who are descended from the same common ancestors, that

we

whose forefathers participated in all the rights, the liberties, and the Constitution you so justly boast of, and who have carefully conveyed the same fair inheritance to us, guaranteed by the plighted faith of Government, and the most solemn compacts with British sovereigns, should refuse to surrender them to men who found their claims on no principles of reason, and who prosecute them with a design that, by having our lives and property in their power, they may, with the greatest facility, enslave you.

Know then, that we consider ourselves, and do

insist, that we are and ought to be as free as our fellow-subjects in Britain, and that no power on earth has a right to take our property from us without our consent.

That we claim all the benefits secured to the subject by the English Constitution, and particularly that inestimable one of trial by jury.

That we hold it essential to English liberty that no man be condemned unheard, or punished for supposed offenses, without having an opportunity of making his defense.

That we think the legislature of Great Britain is not authorized by the Constitution to establish a religion fraught with sanguinary and impious tenets; or to erect an arbitrary form of government in any quarter of the globe. These rights, we, as well as you, deem sacred; and yet, sacred as they are, they have, with many others, been repeatedly and flagrantly violated.

Are not the proprietors of the soil of Great Britain lords of their own property? Can it be taken from them without their consent? Will they yield it to the arbitrary disposal of any man or number of men whatever? You know they will

not.

Why, then, are the proprietors of the so of America less lords of their property than you are of yours? or why should they submit it to the disposal of your Parliament, or any other parliament or council in the world, not of their election? Can the intervention of the sea that divides us cause disparity in rights, or can any reason be given why English subjects who live three thousand miles from the royal palace should enjoy less liberty than those who are three hundred miles distant from it?

Reason looks with indignation on such distinctions, and freemen can never perceive their propriety. And yet, however chimerical and unjust such discriminations are, the Parliament assert that they have a right to bind us, in all cases, without exception, whether we consent or not; that they may take and use our property when and in what manner they please; that we are pensioners on their bounty for all that we possess, and can hold it no longer than they vouchsafe to permit. Such declarations we consider as heresies in English politics, and which can no more operate to deprive us of our property than the interdicts of the Pope can divest kings of sceptres which the laws of the land and the voice of the people have placed in their hands. (Read in Congress, Oct. 18, 1774, Mr. Jay having been appointed to prepare it as an address to the pcopie of Great Britain.)

The sentiment, "Our country, right or wrong,' is as profligate and impious as would be the sentiment, "Our church, or our party, right or wrong." If it be rebellion against God to violate his laws for the benefit of one individual, however dear to us, not less sinful must it be to commit a similar act for the benefit of any number of individuals. If we may not, in kindness to the highwayman, assist him in robbing and murdering the traveller, what divine law permits us to aid any number of our own countrymen in robbing and murdering other people? He who engages in a defensive war, with a full conviction of its necessity and justice. may be impelled by patriotism, by a benevolent desire to save the lives, and property, and rights, of his countrymen; but, if he believes the war to be one of invasion and conquest, and utterly unjust, by taking part in it he assumes its guilt, and becomes responsible for its

.

1. Never put off till to-morrow what you can do to-day.

2. Never trouble another for what you can do yourself.

3. Never spend your money before you have it. 4. Never buy what you do not want because it is cheap; it will be dear to you.

5. Pride costs us more than hunger, thirst, and cold.

6. We never repent of having eaten too little. 7. Nothing is troublesome that we do willingly. 8. How much pain have cost us the evils which have never happened.

9. Take things always by their smooth handle. 10. When angry, count ten before you speak; if very angry, a hundred.

-His Ten Rules of Conduct.

Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against antirepublican tendencies; the preservation of the general government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by the people; a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revo lution, where peaceable remedies are unprovided ; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics. from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority-economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burdened; the honest payment of our debts, and sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of infermation and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason; freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of person, under the protection of the Habeas Corpus; and trial by juries impartially selected. These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us, and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment; they should be the creed of our political faith; the text of civic instruction; the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust; and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to 'retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety. (From his first Inaugural Address, March 4, 1801.) JOHNSON, ANDREW.

II, 455.

Let me say to you of the threats from your Stevenses, Sumners, Phillipses, and all that class, I care not for them. As they once talked about forming a "league with hell and a covenant with the devil,” I tell you, my countrymen here tonight, though the power of hell, death, and Stevens with all his powers combined, there is no power that can control me save you the people and the God that spoke me into existence. bidding you farewell here to-night, I would ask you, with all the pains Congress has taken to calumniate and malign me, what has Congress done? Has it done anything to restore the Union of the States? But, on the contrary, has it not

In