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discipline on board ship. The meeting further pledged itself to do all it possibly could to support the Australian ship-owners in their struggle, and it was agreed to transmit a copy of the resolution to Australia."

The English Ship Owner's Federation are about to open a register for the purpose of forming a free labor league. All union men will be locked out.

At the Dockmen's Congress, held in London, a resolution was adopted declaring it impracticable to limit the working day to eight hours.

A Baltimore justice is reported to have said, in dealing with men charged with creating disturbance at an anarchist meeting, that he "regards any assembly to dispute the existence of a God as unlawful," particularly by unnaturalized foreigners, who have no sympathy with the American Government. The justice also declared that "it is unlawful to discuss Socialism and Anarchism," and that he was going to do all in his power to punish such offenders when brought before him.


Up to almost the very moment that President Harrison signed the Tariff Act yesterday, errors were being discovered in the enrolled bill, and efforts were being made to have them corrected by the joint action of the two Houses. It remained for the most astonishing and most important error to be discovered in the shape of the omission of an entire section of the bill. Section 30 as it came from the House provided that on all original and unbroken factory packages of smoking and manufactured tobacco and snuff held by manufacturers or dealers on Jan. 1, 1891, upon which the tax had been paid, there should be allowed a drawback or rebate of the full amount of the reduction of tax, which goes into effect on that date. The Senate struck out this section. In the bill accompanying the conference report appears the statement, "Conference restores Section 30"; and in the report itself, which was adopted by both Houses, is the statement that the Senate recedes from its amendment, numbered 449, which is the striking out of Section 30. Section 30 was therefore expressly inserted in the bill by the conferees and by the vote of each House, but in the enrolled bill signed by President Harrison, and which is now the tariff law of the country, that section is entirely omitted. Unless Congress sees fit to amend the law in December, holders of paid to bacco will not get the rebate that Congress voted should be given to them. . . . How many more evidences of the way the most important legislation is attended to are to be found remains to be seen. New York Times.

The new tariff law takes effect to-day. Up to the last minute there has been an exciting

scramble to get all the goods into the country that importers can possibly carry, and it will be strange if the market does not prove to be so far loaded with such supplies that domestic manufacturers will be unable to get any possible benefits from the new law for a year or more. For the last two weeks at New York 236 vessels have been entered, against only 180 for the same time last year; and customs collections have been 100 per cent greater.

Ordinarily the New York Custom House closes at 3 P. M., but on Saturday the rush was so great that it was kept open till midnight, entering arriving vessels. In the case of the "Etruria," the captain was hurried up the bay on a tug, and driven at breakneck pace to the custom-house, where he arrived just fifty seconds before midnight to enter his ship. Half a million dollars in extra duties were thus saved.

Springfield Republican, Oct. 6th.

A special meeting of the stockholders of the Pennsylvania Steel Company was recently held, and great hilarity prevailed.

It was reported that the actual profits during the last twelve months amounted to something over thirty per cent.

The gentlemen present congratulated each other on the unprecedented success of the enterprise, and went into ecstasies over the dear old flag and a benign protective tariff.

New York Herald.

The passage of the law by the last Legislature forbidding the sale of tobacco and cigarettes to minors does not appear to have diminished the sale of cigarettes here.- Savannah (Ga.) News.

Chicago has an "institution," supported by voluntary contributions, called the "Bureau of Justice," the function of which is to see to the administration of justice in cases of "misfortune, oppression, meanness, and cruelty.' It is doing a large work, and doing ft creditably, for in its first year it dealt with 1,100 cases, and in its secon 1, 2,500. But what a commentary it is upon the administration of justice in Chicago, that, in so many cases, the victims of misfortune, oppression, meanness, and cruelty were forced to depend upon the help of a charitable organization for the protection which the law is supposed to secure to every law-abiding citizen. Instead of devising and constructing new machinery to make up for the defects of the old, would it not be better to go to the root of the evil? The path that leads to justice is often long and tortuous. It might be shortened and straightened. - Boston Post.

John W. Foster, formerly United States Minister to Russia and to Spain, has addressed to Congress, a remonstrance against the bill now pending in the House, "to absolutely prohibit the coming of Chinese persons into the United States. He says that the statistics of immigration do not afford any reason for the passage of the bill, since they show a steady diminution of the Chinese population of the United States. And he sums up the results to be reasonably anticipated from the passage of the billl, as follows:

"It will expose the United States to the complete abrogation of all its treaties with China. This subject has been discussed by the Chinese Minister in his note to Secretary Blaine, already cited, wherein he quotes the declarations of President Hayes, Senator Sherman, and other American statesmen to sustain this point.

Second, It will endanger all direct business relations with the most populous nation on the globe. Its tea, silks, and other products will continue to come to the United States, but the traffic must be through the medium of foreign merchants and to their profit. But its greatest evil will be in closing to American enterprise, ingenuity, and capital the doors of that great empire, whose 300,000,000 of people are just awakening to the necessity of availing themselves of the modern improvements of peace and war.

66 Third, It will imperil the work of American missionaries, several hundred of whom are now in that empire, representing all Christian denominations and every section of the United States. Minister Denby reports that twenty-two ports of entry in China are open to American merchants, embracing its entire seacoast and its great navigable rivers, and that today the American missionaries are permitted to go to all parts of the country, and are subject only to the jurisdiction of their own consuls for violations of Chinese law. When a few months ago the Chinese census bill (a measure less restrictive than the pending one) was under discussion in Congress, the Chambers of Commerce of New York and Boston, and a large number of religious bodies and church mission boards, throughout the country, sent such urgent remonstrances against the passage of the bill as manifested in unmistakable terms that the better sentiment of this country was opposed to legislation of this character.

"Fourth, It will greatly add to the embarrassments which now surround the Executive Department of the Government on the Chinese question. It appears, from the documents which have been made public by Congress, that the Chinese Government has addressed to Secretary Blaine such grave complaints against the action already taken by Congress that the Secretary of State has not found it convenient, or thought it prudent, to make reply thereto, and it is very manifest that this newly threatened legislation will only add to the diplomatic complications.

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"Lard Compound " is a food product made of lard, pressed beef fat, and cotton-seed oil, in varying proportions, according to the countries, climates, and seasons for which it is intended.

The component parts of lard compound are healthful, nutritious, agricultural parts. (See reports New York State Board of Health. See affidavits members State Board of Health of New Hampshire. See discussion in committee, pages 15 and 36, Record, 1890.)

It is properly branded and sold as "Lard Compound."

The former brand of "refined lard" was voluntarily abandoned in September, 1888, in order to meet objections raised in Congress that the brand did not sufficiently describe the article. This was done without any compulsion of law; the Illinois statute was not in force until July, 1889.

It is the intention of the manufacturers to continue the brand "Lard Compound" now in use.

Commercial necessity, business good-will, and the maintenance of a trade-mark well recognized

in commerce, will compel the continuance of the brand "Lard Compound."

A failure to continue the present brand will invite the invidious legislation now sought to be defeated.

This legislation is sought in the interests of rivals in trade, as an aid to their competition.

When farmers' organizations have acted independently they have demanded a general pure food law, and not special legislation like the Conger bill.

John P. Squire & Co. are the originators and promoters of the bill. The bill will injure: (1.) Domestic manufactures. (2.) Our foreign commerce.

(3.) The farmers of the South (especially the colored farmers).

The colored farmers sent delegates and representatives to appear before the committee and protest against the passage of the Conger bill.

If any lard legislation is needed, it should be general in character, and seek to cover the notoriously evil practices which prevail in the manufacture of so-called pure lard (packers' steam lard).

A general pure-food law, such as the Paddock pure-food bill (Sect. 3991), favorably reported by the Senate Committee, June 3, 1890, should be passed, rather than the special Conger bill. The following pure-food bills, introduced in the House of Representatives, were smothered in the Agricultural Committee of that body: — Mr. McComas, H. R. No. 1,001. Mr. Lehlbach, H. R. No. 6,830. Mr. Allen, H. R. No. 8,248.

Mr. Boatner, H. R. No. 9,067.

Mr. Laws, H. R. No. 11,091.

Trade and other objections to bill (considered by sections).

SECT. 2. Compels cooking fats containing no lard to be branded "Lard Compound "; i. e., compels fraudulent branding, the alleged evil for which this bill professes to be a remedy.

SECT. 4. Prevents wholesale merchant from selling less than fifty pounds - an absurd limitation. Why should not retailer buy thirty or forty pounds, if he so desires?

SECT. 6. Establishes a vexatious and expensive system of book-keeping, unnecessary for collection of revenues.

SECT. 7. (Line 2) contains no provision for selling in wooden pails or buckets (the prevailing method for 20-28 lbs. packages and in Canadian trade).

No provision for selling in tin cans and caddies, hermetically sealed (prevailing method for trade in torrid zones).

(Line 17) requires amounts in excess of three

pounds to be in "original stamped package." Retailers should be permitted to sell either in or from original packages. Three pound limitation wholly arbitrary and vexatious.

(Line 22) requires retailer to use official package in putting up small quantities, thus multiplying difficulties and increasing cost to con


(Line 27) prohibits re-use of packages, thus requiring consumer to buy new package with every purchase, however small.

(Line 41) prohibits small packages from being transported in crates or boxes; thus preventing any trade whatever in small packages (a very large part of present business).

SECT. 8. Prevents manufacturer from using tierces a second time, a prevailing practice with manufacturers of lard and lard compound. Effect will be, discrimination in cost of cooperage in favor of lard men. SECT. 15. (Line 23) makes internal revenue commissioner sole judge of what compounds are to be taxed, with power to exempt from taxation - a dangerous and unusual power.

(Line 2) creates an inquisitorial board, with power to confiscate property without due process of law or compensation.

SECT. 17. Compels use of brand “Lard Compound" in export trade. This is an unnecessary provision, prohibiting compliance with foreign laws and the use of foreign trade-marks and foreign languages.

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(b.) Prohibition of use of cans and caddies. (c.) Arbitrary restrictions as to selling in or from original packages.

(d.) Arbitrary limitation as to maximum amount to be sold from original packages.

(e.) Requirement that retailer pack sales from original packages in officially marked and branded packages.

(f.) Prohibition against re-use of these packages.

(g.) Prohibition against boxing small packages for shipment, although properly branded and stamped.

(h.) Prohibition against manufacturer using packages a second time.

(i.) Excessive fines and imprisonment inflicted upon retailer for failure to construe law.

Copied from Newspaper.

TO-DAY, OCT. 16, 1890.

A record of the facts and considerations which show that Individual Liberty is good for the people of the United States, and that, therefore, Legislative Regulation is injurious for them.


But man, proud man,

Drest in a little brief authority,

Most ignorant of what he 's most assur'd— His glassy essence,-like an angry ape, Plays such fantastic tricks before high heaven As make the angels weep. - Shakespeare. SHORT LESSONS II. It is evident, therefore, that if there is to be a rectification of POLITICS, the reform must begin with a change of method. The discovery of law must take the place of the manufacture of laws.

The spread of Socialism leads one to wonder whether Democracy does not suffer under a peculiar disadvantage which has not yet been sufficiently noticed. As compared with a personal despotism, the superiority does not seem to lie altogether with the democratic despotism. The impersonality of tyranny under the latter is apt to render reaction less prompt and effective. When personal liberty is aggressed upon by decrees there seems to be a greater tendency to resistance than when the aggression is committed by laws. A legislature, a majority, does not seem to arouse the animosity of its victims so thoroughly as the personal despot. Of course there is no more reason for submission in one case than in the other, the only reason in either case being inability to resist. A good deal may be said in favor of submission to the common law, but nothing can be said in favor of submission to those temporary and accidental majorities which are now engaged in the so-called free countries in riding roughshod over personal initiative and personal liberty.

During the last hundred years France has had six kings, and only one has died in his bed, so to speak, that is, on the throne: Louis XVI. was beheaded; Napoleon died in exile on St. Helena; Charles X. abdicated on the 2d of August, 1830; Louis Philippe escaped from Paris under the inglorious name of Mr. William Smith, in 1848, never to return; Louis Napoleon died at Chiselhurst, England, in 1873. This leaves only Louis

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XVIII., whose reign, however, was interrupted by the return of Napoleon from Elba. Still there are people counts, princes, dukes, and whatnots struggling to be kings of France at this very moment. An alliance between some of them and Boulanger led to an exciting episode only last year. The Figaro has published a series of letters from one of the inside parties" making disclosures of the nature and purposes of the alliance, and the writer has had to fight six or eight duels in consequence. Revelations, cabals, duels are the fitting accompaniments of such a struggle. Of course, the affair is not to be distinguished from any other pot-house brawl. By contrast with such performances, American POLITICS seems quite respectable.

The Speaker of the House of Representatives thinks it necessary, in the stump speeches he is making, to defend his course of action during the session of Congress just ended, and other Republican orators follow in his footsteps. Some justification would seem to be required for this, the most revolutionary proceeding that has ever been introduced into our Government, and of course it is very easy to find one that will satisfy shallow and unthinking persons, blinded by party prejudice, who are ready to be convinced as soon as they hear the opposing party called obstructionists. To this class Mr. Reed and his admirers have addressed themselves with

great success. But there is a more intelligent class in the country than this one, and however much a party may plume itself upon having freed itself from the domination of its wiser members, the fact yet remains that in the long run a nation is influenced by its wiser men. "In many respects one wise man is stronger than a million fools. The one man in a million who possesses extraordinary intellect, force of character, and force of sympathy is more likely to coerce the rest than they are to coerce him." This more intelligent class has yet to be reckoned with; it can see that it is not obstruction for a minority to insist that an actual majority record their votes in favor of any measure before it shall become a law; it must be convinced that our Government worked badly for a hundred years, and that since the change which has been effected it has worked well; it is aware that the essence of tyranny is arbitrary rule, and that the House of Representatives has

been governed in an arbitrary manner during the last session no one can deny. We can easily imagine the Speaker saying to some wavering Republican in conference what Kritias, the leading spirit of the thirty tyrants at Athens, said to Theramenes: "If you think that this government is to be administered any less as a tyranny because we are a hundred and sixty-seven instead of one, eúneŋs el, you are a fool."

The only rational defence of the laws aimed at the suppression of obscene literature is the welfare of children. But it is more than questionable whether the effect is not injurious in the long run. In the first place, it proves on experiment to be impossible to suppress such literature, and this may be regarded as a sufficient objection to the attempt. It may be urged that even a partial repression is better than nothing. But this is open to dispute. Since children are inevitably, sooner or later, brought into contact with the social deformity it is sought to screen from them, the question arises whether or not the partial repression has not aggravated the evil and increased the danger. Perhaps the example and scorn of respected persons would prove more efficacious than the legal necessity for concealment. In the second place, it is only the coarser forms of obscenity that are ever repressed, that is, the less injurious forms. For it is a fact that the decliv. ity that leads to vice is of gradual descent. The youthful mind is not attracted but repelled by gross obscenity: the thing the law succeeds in partially concealing, it is protected from by nature. Finally, the task of taking the care of children from their parents presents insuperable difficulties. It is a tenable supposition, which I admit cannot now be proved, but equally can it not be disproved, that this very law, or group of laws, reacts to weaken, if not the sense, at any rate the vigilance of parental responsibility; and if vigilance is relaxed, the sense of responsibility will not be long in weakening too. Now the only effective guard against the temptations to vulgarity, vice, and obscenity is the cultivation of superior tastes and faculties. No one has yet discredited the dictum that idleness is the parent of vice; and superior tastes and faculties prevent idleness. So I say it is a tenable supposition that but for this partial and delusive repres

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Men do not take kindly to being forced into the right, even by those who are themselves upright. But when there are grave doubts as to the honesty of purpose of those who attempt coercion the feelings engendered are peculiarly bitter. Bearing this general truth in mind, we shall not be surprised that inhabitants of Southern States are excited over the Federal Elections Bill, a sentiment for which Northern stump-orators are trying to develop. The supporters of the bill deny that it is aimed specially at the South; but when they attempt to justify it they assert that the negro vote is suppressed in the Southern States. These professions do not harmonize very nicely, but since the Republican party has left off appealing to the intelligence of the country it has not felt the need of making its course or its words consistent. The rank and file of the party are perfectly satisfied to echo the cry, "A free ballot and an honest count," without troubling themselves to get a clear conception of how the bill tends to bring this about, except that in some way it implies a Republican count.

It may not be unreasonable to inquire what a free ballot means according to the Republican idea. Two years ago a rich manufacturer was running for Congress in Massachusetts. The district was strongly Republican, and there was little doubt of his election. On Election day, following a not unusual custom, he shut his mills for a few hours and provided teams to take his operatives to the polls. Men were appointed to go with them, distribute ballots among them, and intimate which way they were expected to vote. One man refused to vote as was desired, and he was discharged the next day. Some surprise was manifested that this man dared assert his right to a free ballot.

There are methods of bulldozing which properly arouse a deeper feeling of disgust

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