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regard the general safety and welfare of Germany. It is my duty to protect the country as well against domestic crime as against foreign enemies. I know my duty, and I mean to fulfil it; and you, German men, lovers of your country and of liberty, from you I expect that you will stand by me."

At the same time votes of confidence in the Ministry, and thanks to the Federal troops for their devotion and moderation in the late conflict, were proposed and carried in the Assembly.

The rest of the year was chiefly occupied in discussing the articles of the German Constitution, which was not promulgated at the end of December.

A new element of discord arose out of what may be called the Austrian question. The ancient monarchy of the House of Hapsburg showed no disposition to be absorbed in the new combination of German States, and refused to form part of the Confederation. This was a great stumbling-block in the way, for it seemed impossible to realize the idea of German unity, and at the same time ignore the existence of such an empire as Austria. Between her and Prussia a rivalry existed, which threat ened to break out into open hostility, if by any act of the Frankfort Parliament the supremacy in Germany of the latter kingdom was recognised; and this would happen if the King of Prussia were elected Emperor of Germany, which therefore became a subject of grave anxiety, and caused much dissension in the Chamber.

The feeling, however, against the conduct of Austria was so strong that, on the 16th of December, Von Schmerling, the Prime Minister, and Wuth, one of

the under Secretaries of State, both of whom were deputies from that kingdom, resigned office, and Baron Von Gagern was called upon to form a Ministry. This he succeeded in doing, and the new Cabinet remained in office until the end of the year. The policy which Von Gagern recommended to the Assembly with respect to Austria was to treat her as a member of the German Confede ration, and, as such, have diplomatic intercourse with her on subjects of national interest, but consider her as not embraced in the new Federal Constitution, and therefore not entitled to be consulted in its construction. It thus became an anxious subject of speculation in Europe, whether the general peace could be preserved while the great Austrian Empire was isolated from the German family of States, and watched with jealousy the pretensions of Prussia and her Monarch to supremacy.

RUSSIA. While revolutions were overthrowing some, and shaking to their centre others of the thrones of the European Powers, considerable anxiety was felt as to what would be the course of policy adopted by Russia. There was a general apprehension that the Emperor would interfere on behalf of the Austrian Government, and employ part of his vast military force in coercing the rebellious subjects of the house of Hapsburg. But nothing of the kind took place. Not a single Russian soldier crossed the German frontier, and the Emperor contented himself with strengthening his army at all points, and watching, without taking part in, the events that filled all Europe with astonishment. In the month of March he issued the [2 B 2]

following spirited manifesto to his people:

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After the benefits of a long peace, the West of Europe finds itself at this moment suddenly given over to perturbations which threaten with ruin and overthrow all legal powers and the whole social system.

"Insurrection and Anarchy, the offspring of France, soon crossed the German frontier, and have spread themselves in every direction with an audacity which has gained new force in proportion to the concessions of the GovernThis devastating plague has at last attacked our allies the Empire of Austria and the Kingdom of Prussia, and to-day, in its blind fury, menaces even our Russia, that Russia which God has confided to our care.

"But Heaven forbid that this should be! Faithful to the example handed down from our ancestors, having first invoked the aid of the Omnipotent, we are ready to encounter our enemies from whatever side they may present themselves, and without sparing our own person we will know how, indissolubly united to our holy country, to defend the honour of the Russian name, and the inviolability of our territory. We are convinced that every Russian, that every one of our faithful subjects will respond with joy to the call of his Sovereign. Our ancient war cry, For our faith, our sovereign, and our country,' will once again lead us on the path of victory, and then with sentiments of humble gratitude, as now with feelings of holy hope, we will all cry with one voice, God is on our side, understand this, ye peoples, and submit, for God is on our side.'

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"Given at St. Petersburg, the

14th (26th) of March, in the year of Grace 1848, and the 23rd of our reign."

Subsequently, in the month of July, the Russian Government addressed an ably written exposition of its policy to its diplomatic agents in Germany, which it prefaced by saying that

"The German press, whose animosity against Russia appeared to have relaxed for a moment, has lately recommenced busying itself about us; and those measures which prudence for our own security has forced us to adopt on our frontiers have given rise to the most unwarranted suppositions and commentaries.

"The language held on this subject in the assemblies of Germany, though less immoderate and less positive, nevertheless bears the stamp of the same surmises."

It afterwards proceeded to explain its views, as follows:

"Our system, however, has been purely one of defence and precaution.

We protest that it never had, and that it has not at this moment, any other character.

"Instead of regarding things from this point of view, and of acknowledging that, if we have been obliged to arm, the principal cause was owing to the repeated provocation which had been offered to us, the democratic opinion loves to hurl the charge of ideas of aggression at us. The German press daily teems with the most absurd rumours, and the most odious calumnies have been laid to our charge. More than once these journals have stated that our troops have passed the frontiers, although they have not left their cantonments. There is no insidious design but what is attributed to us— no émeute, no sedition, either in

Germany or Sclavonia, which we have not favoured underhand, either by our money or our agents.

"The hostility which we are supposed to entertain against Germany is precisely on a level with what is felt, or rather what it is attempted to create against us in Germany.

"If, instead of attributing to us sentiments of hatred which we do not cherish, and of forming conjectures on our pretended designs which are without foundation, men would form a more just and true idea of the past, they would likewise understand the present, and see that the enemy they so gratuitously conjure, whom they delight in holding up as a phantom, and against whom a national war is said to be indispensable, has ever been, and is at this moment, if Germany only wishes, animated with sentiments of benevolence and disinterestedness towards her. When, indeed, has Germany had cause to complain of us? When have we formed projects against her independence? When have we even menaced an invasion? What part of her territory have we taken, or even coveted? During the whole time the Continent was groaning under the domination of a conqueror, Russia shed her blood to assist Germany in the maintenance of her integrity and her independence. The Russian territory had been free for a long time when she continued to follow and to sustain her German allies on all the battle-fields of Europe. cently, in 1840, when war appeared for a moment on the eve of breaking out on the Rhine, we placed our naval and military forces at their disposal.

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"During the long peace of thirty-three years, the benefits of which are so lightly set aside by the volatile spirit of the present generation, we have never ceased to recommend and maintain in Germany concord and unity—not, indeed, that material unity which is now the day-dream of a democratic spirit of levelling and aggraudisement, and which, if it were possible to realize it as conceived by ambitious theorists, would infallibly, sooner or later, plunge Germany into war with all her neighbours-but that moral unity, that sincere harmony of views and intentions in all political questions which the German Confederation formerly treated of.

"It is the maintenance of this union, it is the consolidation of the bonds which unite the German Governments together, which has ever been our sole aim, because we desire the peace of Europe; and in our opinion the surest guarantee of this peace has ever been lodged in

the intimate union of all the Governments which constitute the German Confederation.

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What we desired all this time, we desire at the present day.

"If it had been our object effectively to seek for a pretext for aggression, would not this single fact have formed a most favourable one? A war deeply to be regretted has been made upon a northern monarchy whose integrity we have guaranteed, and the maintenance of which is indispensable to the equilibrium of Europe, which, by the complications to which it may easily give rise, and by ideas of maritime ambition with which popular opinion invests it, menaces an attack upon the general peace and the interests of the lateral Powers

of the Baltic. At the same time the insurrection in the Grand Duchy of Posen, and the state of Galicia, might seriously endanger the internal tranquillity of our own provinces. Under present contingencies, and especially under such circumstances, the most com

mon prudence calls for preparation. We have, therefore, concentrated our army on the frontier, in order to ward off those damages which may suddenly arise from the present and still precarious state of Europe."

CHAPTER XIII.

PRUSSIA.-Speech of the King in Closing the Session of the United Diet -Great Reform Meeting at Berlin--Remarkable Manifesto of the King-Censorship of the Press abolished-Unfortunate collision between the military and the populace at Berlin-Decree authorizing a National Guard-Address of the Minister, Count Schwerin, to the Students-Liberation of the captive Poles-Frederick William's Address to the Students-Royal Proclamations-Deputation of Poles from Breslau-Rapid changes of Ministry at Berlin-Opening of Second Session of the Prussian Diet-Royal Speech-Programme of the Electoral Law-Address of the Diet-Ministerial Explanation— Resignation of Count Arnim-Basis of new Prussian ConstitutionQuestion of direct or indirect Election for the National Assembly at Frankfort-General Election-Meeting of the Prussian National Assembly-Speech from the Throne-Outline of the ConstitutionTumult at Berlin, and attack on the Arsenal-Resignation of the Ministry-The Auerswald Cabinet-The Army and Political Questions-Change of Ministry-General Von Pfuel forms a new Cabinet -Proclamation to the Army-General Von Wrangel's Address to the Troops-Invasion of the Assembly by the mob-Count Von Brandenburg made President of the Council-Sitting of Assembly transferred to Brandenburg-Tumult in the Assembly-Interference of the military—Burgher Guard disbanded-Berlin declared in a state of siege-Disarming of the Burgher Guard-Obstinate conduct of the Assembly-It denies to the Brandenburg Ministry authority to levy taxes-The Government successful in the struggle-Address by the Archduke John to the German people-Meeting of the Assembly at Brandenburg-It is dissolved by a Royal Edict.

GRAND DUCHY OF POSEN.-Outbreak of Polish Insurrection in PosenHorrible atrocities committed by the insurgents-Defeat and surrender of Mieroslawski-Termination of the Rebellion-Resolution of the Frankfort Assembly as to the partition line drawn in Posen-German view of the Polish Question.

ON

N the 6th of March the sitting of the Prussian United Diet, the creation and constitution of

which were related in our preceding volume, was closed by the King in person, and, in his speech

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